Tổng thống Ngô Đình Diệm, góc nhìn sau nửa thế kỷ có nhiều thay đổi ở những điểm này | NAMDUONGTV

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Mọi cố gắng tìm hiểu lịch sử Việt Nam Cộng Hòa đều cần bắt đầu với Ngô Đình Diệm, nhà sáng lập và là tổng thống đầu tiên của VNCH.
Ông Ngô Đình Diệm phủ bóng lên những tranh luận về nguồn gốc cuộc chiến Việt Nam, bắt đầu từ cuộc nổi loạn chống lại chính thể Diệm. Đa số sử gia xem vụ lật đổ và ám sát Diệm tháng 11/1963 là sự kiện cột mốc giúp mở đường cho sự leo thang và "Mỹ hóa" cuộc xung đột giai đoạn 1964-65.
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About the author, Edward Mueller took the doctorate at Harvard University in 2004
with a research on the character Ngô Đình Diệm.
He lived, worked in Taiwan, Singapore and Vietnam.
All attempts to learn about the history of the Republic of Vietnam
need to start with Ngô Đình Diệm,
the founder and first president of the Republic of Vietnam.
He also contributed to the debates about the origin of the Vietnam War,
starting with the dispute against Diệm's body.
Most historians see the fallout and assassination of Diệm in November 1963
as a turning point that paved the way for the escalation
and the end of the 1964-1965 conflict.
Although important in history,
this character is still not well understood.
Until recently, most of Diệm's academic books
were mainly based on research on American government documents
and other American sources.
Over the past few years, some scholars have started using Vietnamese documents,
including the Vietnam Passport, which was kept in Vietnam.
They have brought back some new perspectives
on Diệm's decisions and policies in the period 1954-1963.
But Diệm's life and career before 1954
are still under investigation.
Scholars are still trying to determine his experiences and ideas.
In other words, we know a lot about what Diệm did,
but it is still difficult to understand who he was.
Mrs. Biếm Quạ
Due to the lack of a comprehensive understanding of Diệm's history
and his motivation,
their lectures on the leader are often very simple
and even become boring.
Mrs. Biếm Quạ has become a hot topic among journalists,
historians and many books about Diệm since the 1960s.
Some writers describe Diệm as an American look-alike
built by American officials to serve the geopolitical goals of Washington.
Others say that Diệm is not a product of the US diplomatic policy,
but of Vietnamese tradition.
In this respect, Diệm is a backward reactionist
who does not care too much about modernity.
The ideas of Diệm's countrymen
originate from the era of the pre-imperial era.
The third way to describe Diệm
is to express his desire for more than two attitudes.
He describes Diệm as a hero
who understands the needs and desires of the people of the South.
This way of looking at Diệm's collapse in 1963
is not because of his laziness,
but because of the stupid actions of American allies,
who betrayed him as soon as he was about to defeat the enemy.
In other words,
each way of looking at Diệm seems to be sarcastic,
but when you look closely,
it is clear that they are just trying to show off
rather than revealing his character.
The same word, Diệm,
is used by the communists to describe the most passive view
that Diệm is just a puppet of the US.
But not only the communists
see Diệm as a product of the US policy.
When Diệm was still alive,
the Vietnamese and Americans thought
that he was forced to follow Washington's instructions
to ensure that he continued to enjoy economic and military aid.
Of course,
after Diệm was overthrown in the US-supported coup,
the US-Diệm rhetoric was less convincing.
If Diệm is just a puppet of the US,
why did Washington encourage the general group to defeat him?
Nevertheless,
some writers still affirm that
this argument is at least partially true.
These writers argue that
even if Diệm was not a puppet after 1954,
he was held in power thanks to Washington.
Accordingly,
Diệm is like an American Rockstein monster.
The US leaders secretly arranged for him to take power in Saigon
in the hope that he would obey,
but then realized late
that they could not control him.
Even though there are still some theories,
this theory does not stand still.
US classified documents show
that Diệm is very opposed to US advice
and has always disobeyed Washington.
For example,
in the 1954-1955 diplomatic crisis,
the US Embassy in Saigon urged Diệm
to compromise with the command of armed forces
threatening to overthrow him.
Not listening to the US,
Diệm was forced to fire a gun
and then defeat his opponents.
And so,
the more he believed,
the more he had to listen to himself.
The reluctance to do as instructed by the US
was getting deeper and deeper.
Because he knew that
he had the position of Southern Prime Minister
because of his own efforts,
not because of the US conspiracy.
No one has found evidence
that the US authorities
forced Secretary of State Bảo Đại
to elect Diệm as prime minister in the spring of 1954.
The evidence we have is that
the decision of Bảo Đại
was mainly due to Diệm's
instigation and conspiracy.
Similar to the old saying,
Diệm is a product of tradition,
or he is a modernist,
it is not more convincing.
It is true that Diệm often and sincerely
talks about the history and culture
of Vietnamese tradition.
However, Diệm emphasized
that he did not consider the past of Vietnam
as the foundation for the future of the country.
He stated,
We will not return to the useless version
of the past,
but will apply the best of our heritage
to the modern situation.
End of quote.
The entire activity of building Diệm's country
during his reign,
including the Constitution of 1956,
the founding of the National Assembly,
the Secretariat and the Strategy
to preserve the modernization,
the political life,
society and economy of the South.
Certainly, Diệm is very suspicious
of both the freedom of thought
and Marxism about social change.
And it is true that he is a conservative,
but it is not surprising
when describing him as an anti-movement
with the only agenda
is the restoration of the political
and social dynamics of the previous centuries.
The reason.
Of the three excerpts,
perhaps the least convincing
is the rhetoric describing Diệm
as a benefactor of the widespread support
of the peasant people of the South.
The advocates of this view
are right when they say
Diệm cares very much about the lives
of farmers and that he sincerely
wants to improve their lives.
But just the fact that Diệm
cares about such issues
is not enough to explain
why he pursues certain policy
and it does not prove anything
about the success or failure
of those policies.
In fact, Diệm's efforts to change
the life of the peasants
were unsuccessful,
as he and his supporters said.
This is clearly shown
through the history of the Dinh Dien program,
which is the re-location
in the mid-1950s.
According to this program,
peasants were brought
into the residential areas
of the government in the West,
along the Cửu Long River
and the Central Plateau.
Diệm believes that he is improving
the lives of the peasants
and teaching them the value
of independence and hard work.
But life in the residential areas
is tough.
Many areas are located
in remote areas,
the soil is barren,
there is not enough water.
The program also suffers
because local officials
are greedy and cruel.
As a result, it fails
to improve the lives
of the peasants.
In conclusion,
scholars need to analyze
Diệm's stubbornness
in the context of the history
that he lived,
the origin of his ideas
and policies that cannot be
found in Washington
The period between the two wars
was a period of political
and intellectual development
in Vietnam.
Topics such as
national liberation,
cultural reform,
modernity were
controversial and
many Vietnamese began
to look for new
forms of political activity.
Diệm was deeply affected
by those changes,
but many scholars
did not understand
the changes in his ideas.
At least three ideas
seem to have influenced Diệm
about society and politics
in the 1920s and 1930s.
The first is the rise
of a new form of
nationalism of Catholicism
in Vietnam.
Religious nationalism
is attached to Diệm's family
and especially to his brother
who was a famous religious figure
who advised Diệm to hang
the Statue of Liberty in 1933
to oppose the French policy.
The second idea that
influenced Diệm at this time
was Catholicism.
Diệm's understanding of
Catholicism was shaped
by his friendship with Phan Bo Châu,
who spent the last years of his life
in Hue.
At this time,
Phan Bo Châu wrote many works
that influenced Diệm.
The third idea
that influenced Diệm
at this time
was Catholicism.
At this time,
Diệm was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Diệm's brother
was the first person
to come into contact
with the concept of
humanism,
a philosophy
borrowed from
the French Catholicism.
Until Kennedy
sat in the White House,
Diệm's experiment
seemed to only create
negative results.
Six years of national construction
has brought a model country
that the US hopes
can prove a choice
to replace communism
in Asia.
Diệm is increasingly
opposed to US advice,
as he believes
that the foreign
officials of Kennedy
are in conflict with Diệm
because they never try
to understand the nature
of the rule of law
in Vietnam
or the complexity
of leadership.
Diệm considers
the stupidity
of the US
as one of the main
reasons why
the US
wants to
destroy Vietnam.
The US
wants to destroy
Vietnam.
The US
wants to destroy
Vietnam.
The US
wants to destroy
Vietnam.
The US
wants to destroy
Vietnam.
