Thời Đệ Nhất có điều này rất hay khiến nhiều người tiếc nuối đến ngày nay | NAMDUONGTV

The content of today's conversation is the most important events or changes that have brought the formation of the first South Vietnamese Republic of the South Vietnam from 1956 to 1963, and its ID is the 1956 Constitution, which is also the conclusion of this article. In response to Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem's call for help from Chicago, Illinois, he came to Saigon on August 24, 1954, and immediately after that, because of the situation, Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem put me in positions, if you can call it a position, or more accurately, a position, for me to testify for the events I want to record here. The events I present here have three different values, which are witness, not witness, but know for sure, and a little bit of uncertainty, you will be able to distinguish those three different values. The first is the first duty, to assist Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem's letter of resignation. First, I temporarily replaced Mr. Vo Van Hai as Prime Minister's letter of resignation, so that he temporarily kept his position in the office empty. The first three days I slept in Vinh Gia Long, after being taken to sleep at Kinh Hoa Hotel, Cho Lon, but always returned to the Prime Minister's residence for lunch and dinner, until the Prime Minister ordered the Ministry of Finance to give me a villa, number 140, Hai Ba Trung Street, Saigon. So I was lucky enough to work with the Prime Minister until October 10 or 11, 1954. It was in these 45 days that the coup of Nguyen Van Hinh, the General Secretary of the Vietnamese National Army, wanted a coup. On June 16, Mr. Ngo Dinh Diem was appointed by General Secretary Bao Dai as Prime Minister, appointing the Vietnamese Cabinet to replace the government of Hoang Thanh Buu Loc. When Ngo Dinh Diem was appointed, General Secretary Bao Dai had a meeting with the US Department of State, and also with the French government. Although France lost the war in the Phnom Penh in May, it still holds diplomatic and defense power in Vietnam, with a Dien Chinh army that has lost the war but is still vigorous. As Ngo Dinh Diem is known as anti-French, the US government is certainly not directly related to this appointment. Although Mr. Diem has been in the US for nearly three years, he is familiar with many famous figures in the US military, but in fact, the US has not thought about replacing France in the East Sea until it met with Russia at the Geneva Conference in July 1954. After being appointed, despite the insistence of Mr. Ngo Dinh Luyen in France and Mr. Ngo Dinh Nhu in Vietnam, Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem returned to Saigon on June 26, 1954. The Vietnamese People's Liberation Army is still active, but the number of people who come to Tan Son Nhat airfield is less than 500. Four days after the prime minister left Hanoi to review the situation and contact with visitors from the North, he returned to Saigon to form a cabinet. Launched on July 7, 1954, the prime minister, the Ministry of Defense and the government did not have time to do anything, on the 20th of the same month, the Geneva agreement signed between France and Vietnam came to an end. All the people wept and laughed, was there peace or more? It was just a conflict between the two sides, but the country was divided. On July 21, 1954, when President Eisenhower held a press conference to explain the Geneva agreement to the American people, a group of Vietnamese students protested on the street, condemning their countries for dividing their country. The next day, in front of the U.N. headquarters in Union, New York, a group of Vietnamese students protested even more. Both protests were organized by the so-called DVL, DTC, and HVNL. So how many social, political and cultural issues have brought back to the South with 36,000 French soldiers and refugees from North Korea? The French estimated that there were only about 60,000 people. Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem hoped for 100,000, but without going back, the communist floodgates burst like a waterfall, beyond everyone's imagination. It means that within 300 days of the Geneva agreement, the number of North Korean migrants has increased to 860,000. The more fun the prime minister is, the more worried he is. When I came back to Vietnam, I felt clearly that the state of Ngo Dinh Diem's government was too weak, as well as the dignity of the new prime minister was too low. I didn't see what the government of Bui Loc had to hand over, except for Dinh Gia Long and Noi Vu commune, with 57 old vehicles, without a single squadron. The prime minister was in charge of the Ministry of Defense, but there was no army. The Ministry of Internal Affairs did not have police, while Do Thanh Saigon, Cho Lon, was Binh Xuyen. The Southwest, Nam Ky, Luc Tinh, was Hoa Hao. The East was Cao Dai. The military against the South, I heard about Ngo Dinh Diem, but I don't know who Ngo Dinh Diem is. In addition, behind the back of General Ely, the French high-ranking official, is a whole group of citizens who are squandering their power, squandering their property, as if it were an afternoon market, while the Americans have just entered the Vietnam war, as if it were a clearly dominant position. In short, the Southern society is in a state of extreme confusion, almost hopeless, hopeless. The international public opinion for the Ngo Dinh Diem government has not passed six months. Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem's number one priority is to seize power, he is the Prime Minister in charge of defense, so first he has to hold the army, visit Minister Nguyen Van Hinh, his wife, of course, must be French, must be replaced, and it was General Hinh who declared war first. On September 9, 1954, he criticized the Prime Minister on the French radio station by Mr. Phan Cao Phai, a brother of Ms. Minh Chau, a friend of the writer, manager, and asked for the reform of the government. Prime Minister Diem rebelled immediately. On September 11, 1954, he instructed General Hinh to go to France for 24 hours, called to inspect the French military organization for 6 weeks. General Hinh refused and used his army in his hand to make trouble, wanting to avoid a group of thieves running around Vinh Doc Lap, who had just been handed over by the High Commissioner Elie last week. Both threatened, and cursed, at the same time, the army's voice was heard, accusing the government of being authoritarian, of corruption. Gradually, those nights I slept in the prime minister's bed, ready for the prime minister to use as an interpreter and go to bed with the CIA. When Colonel Landans from Manila to Vietnam packed his things at the night meeting of Macanabe, in front of the Taodang bed, one way from the prime minister's bed, Colonel Landans had a mission to help the government of Ngo Dinh Diem stabilize the situation. The cabinet of Ngo Dinh Diem was about to collapse, because on September 20, 1954, 9 out of 18 ministers refused to resign. It should be noted that this disaster happened at the time of the outbreak of the North Korean migration, such as the flooding of the Hong River. The Hanoi Communist Party was on the road, threatening, arresting, killing the people, still unable to cover the coast. But with close cooperation between the CIA and the US Embassy, Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem solved the disaster caused by General Nguyen Van Hinh, but not without sweating. Ambassador Heath told General Hinh that if there was a coup in this situation, the US would immediately stop the military aid. While Colonel Landans was trying to separate General Hinh from his spy, two French defense personnel, Landans ordered these two officers to fly to Manila for 5 days. The following month, in 1954, Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem dismissed General Hinh and appointed General Le Van Thi as his replacement. It was also when Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem sent me to the Ministry of Finance for other business, so I am not a witness to what happened next. But I know very clearly. Ambassador Heath and General O'Daniel, US military advisers, asked Prime Minister Diem to keep General Hinh in the military. Diem refused. Faced with Prime Minister's insistence, Ambassador Heath changed his attitude from his immediate revenge and sent a telegram to Washington accusing the Prime Minister of incompetence, not being able to integrate, and needed to change. But now, President Eisenhower and the National Security Council, as well as the majority of Congress, recognize that Prime Minister Diem can lead the anti-communist front in Southeast Asia, so they completely rejected the offer of Ambassador Heath and President Eisenhower sent Ambassador to replace General Collins, his close friend. Ambassador Collins came to Saigon with a letter from the US President confirming that he supports Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem and wants to discuss with the Prime Minister a large-scale military aid program. But not about General Collins and General Elie, but about General Collins and General Elie, the US special forces were completely dominated by the French High Commission. On the 1st and 2nd, General Collins changed his attitude towards Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem, which means he supports the mule, Diem must go, which the French people have been organizing for 4-5 months. On December 8, 1954, General Collins and General Elie entered the Independence Camp and officially proposed to Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem to appoint Phan Huy Quat as the Minister of Defense and Bai Dien as the Minister of Interior. Of course, Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem refused and had to refuse, because if he accepted, he would lose and lose almost all power. Defense and Interior are the two most important departments of the government, so he resigned to let the Americans, and Quat, Dai Viet and the French, through Bai Dien, General Coop, Tha Hồ Dực Dây. That's a disaster. Collins was even more extreme, suggesting that Washington should take Bao Dai back, bring Phan Huy Quat as prime minister, replace Ngo Dinh Diem, and implement a state of emergency, gather national forces to unify action. If this solution is not implemented, it is better for the United States to withdraw from Vietnam. No wonder General Collins was so determined. In the relationship between Collins and Elie, it was as if there was a shadow of a woman. I'm not very clear, so I won't say it here. However, in this crisis, it is very clear who helped the US government from a serious mistake, that is, Senator Manfield. Receiving a definite approval and offer, if not to say the extreme and stupidity of Ambassador Collins, President Eisenhower, National Security Council and Forster-Dulles, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, reunited, very confused, like being hit in the head, disintegrating information, should call for the opinion of the opposing democracy that the most powerful person is Senator Manfield. Senator Manfield came to the White House and suggested that Mr. Diệm is a property that he has just recognized, no matter how far away he is, it is also a property. Why do we have to trade with other values ​​that we have no idea or do not know anything about? Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diệm won again. All US governments accept the opinion of Senator Manfield because he is the smartest. And on December 14, 1954, the US government instructed General Collins that in the current situation, there is no other choice than to continue to pay for Vietnam and support Prime Minister Diệm. But not all, General Collins is still confused about the rule of law, but the most powerful explosive is Bảy Diễn Bình Xuyên. 2. The 2nd Rebellion Attempted by the Ministry of Finance A. Money On October 10, 1954, Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diệm sent me to the Ministry of Finance to help Minister Tran Hữu Phương, who is also a close friend of mine since he was still in Paris, to do his best to monitor the progress of the Paris Agreement every day, just in time to replace the Pau agreement, which also means supporting all the signings of this agreement. Thanks to the firm commitment of Prime Minister Mendès Frank, the Paris Agreement was signed between the four countries on the night of December 30, 1954. France has recognized the total sovereignty, financial and financial resources of the three countries of Viet, Mien, Laos and allowed the signing of the agreement within 3 days, that is, January 2, 1955. From now on, US humanitarian economic military aid and countries will go straight to Vietnam, thanks to the close monitoring of the Paris Agreement. On December 23 or 24, 1954, the Ministry of Finance received a telegram from the Vietnamese delegation led by Mr. Duong Tan Tai saying that it was a complete victory and that it would end in 7 days. And the Minister of Finance gave me the honor to bring this telegram to the Prime Minister, explaining to the Prime Minister the good results of the Paris Agreement and its progress. The Ministry of Finance, on my request, has retained a 15 million US dollar from the US Department of State to support the North Korean migration program. After 10 days of leaving Vietnam in an American bank, the Ministry of Finance has chosen to leave Vietnam in a French bank, as before. The independence of finance and especially finance is from now on. France has helped the French build military forces all under 20,000 troops. Not only the budget, but also some other important financial resources. From the beginning of 1955, France will stop aid and the French need aid must come to the government of Ngô Đình Diệm. The main money factor here, although not the only factor, but the most important factor has determined the attitude of the French to reunify the Vietnamese National Army and end the situation created by the French. 2. On January 14, General Nguyễn Văn Huệ, Chief of Staff of General Trần Văn Xoái, brought 3,500 troops to the National Army. On February 13, 1955, General Trình Minh Thế, the Anti-Terrorist Force of the United Nations led 5,000 troops to Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm. On March 10, 1955, General Nguyễn Văn Đầy, the National Perfectionist Force, led 5,000 troops. On the 31st of February, General Nguyễn Thành Phương, Chief of Staff of the Army, led all his troops to Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm. General Nguyễn Giác Ngộ, the Perfectionist People's Army, on February 23, promised to bring 8,000 troops, but had to wait until May when Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm was forced to resign from his post as a member of the People's Republic of Vietnam. On January 1, 1955, Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm signed a resolution to terminate Bình Xuyên's special powers, that is, to directly destroy a huge financial resource, if not the only one of Bình Xuyên's forces. Previously, every day, Bình Xuyên had to pay Prime Minister Bảo Đại 1 million VND, which was more than 28,500 US dollars at the time. Since then, Prime Minister Bảo Đại has had a luxurious life as a playboy at Thorens Accounts, which is located in the southern part of Hoàng Hậu. Speaking of money, I would like to mention a more serious case. After the 1954 General Election, Hồ Chí Minh used a large amount of money in every way to buy two generals, Lưu Hán and Tiêu Dăng, who were wrongly appointed by the Communist Party of Vietnam to disarm the Japanese army. At the same time, he backed national forces such as Vietnam, killed the Nationalist Party, robbed of dignity, liberated the nation, monopolized the country, monopolized the government. After solving the crisis, General Hình Song and Tinh took advantage of the financial and financial power, Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm celebrated Christmas very cheerfully and optimistically. I was called by the Prime Minister to attend Christmas, which was held in the backyard of the Independence Palace. I sat in the front row of the Prime Minister's office. Right behind me, there was a precious Christmas gift. I don't know where he thought about giving me the right to lead the national assembly from midnight that day. In the first 4 months of 1955, in addition to the assembly, I spent most of my time and mind in Saigon. On November 15, 1954, I ran a school with more than 1,200 students, and taught two classes from 6.30 to 9.00 p.m. I did not directly contact the events or historical events that took place in Vietnam at that time. However, although I did not witness, I still always followed and learned about many things later. On January 12, 1955, Saigon Port was handed over by General Agostini of France to General Lê Giang Tị. At that time, Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm appeared clearly as a person capable of taking full independence for the country. But the French and Thai people did not give up. Unfortunately, it was General Bảo Đại who let them take advantage, if not the same kind as them. So General Bảo Đại and France pushed for the unification of Vietnam. On March 8, 1955, in addition to General Hoa Hảo Bình Xuyên, there were also doctors Nguyễn Tôn Hoàng, Đại Việt Miền Nam, Phan Quang Đán, the Democratic Party, Hồ Hữu Tường, Hồ Pháp Phạm Công Tắc, who were invited by General Bảo Đại to lead the battle. The reaction of the three provinces was that the US could not spend money to allow France to manipulate the Vietnam war. So on March 8, 1955, General Bảo Đại indirectly advised not to break the wheel, make it more difficult for Ngo Đình Diệm, and advised Prime Minister Ngo Đình Diệm to oppose the demand of the battle and tell the defectors to withdraw from the battle. But under the pressure of Bình Xuyên and Bảo Đại, the defectors did not listen immediately. On March 21, 1955, the battle sent a letter to Prime Minister Ngo Đình Diệm that within 5 days he had to reform the Cabinet according to the personnel model of the battle. Prime Minister Ngo Đình Diệm did not refuse, but 6 days later, that is, on March 27, 1955, he ordered the commander Đỗ Cao Trí to capture the police headquarters held by Bình Xuyên. Thus, the war between Prime Minister Ngo Đình Diệm with national military support and Bình Xuyên with French support began and the two sides had a month to prepare for a big fight, also known as a war. It was also the time when Ngo Đình Du, General Secretary of the People's Commission of the People's Republic of Vietnam, asked me to stand up to develop the People's Commission in the South, and I accepted voluntarily. But in accordance with the tradition of the family, whatever you do, you have to do it to the end, and if you don't do it, then that's it. And I immediately initiated the fight, and the bloodshed was the opportunity to test the fire for the newly established South-North Vietnam with a small base and a brain of 8 members. But with all that, the United States has actively supported the campaign against Bình Xuyên, despite the fact that the United States has spread all over the streets of Saigon, big markets and families. This is the truth, not a little rumor. And as we all know, the Bình Xuyên coup is close to the incident of the former Prime Minister Bao Đại, which is another opportunity for the United States to help strengthen the Ngu Dinh Diệm government and help build the foundation for the first building of the People's Republic of Vietnam. These are two very important coups in the history of the South-North Vietnam. Whether you like it or not, it has become a witness, like many other witnesses, if you don't want to say that you directly participated in the historical reforms of Vietnam at that time. Continue to claim the overthrow of the power of Bình Xuyên after the reform of the Cabinet on April 24, 1955, the participation of Hoa Hảo, Lieutenant General Tran Van Xoai and Lieutenant General Ngô Đình Diệm to issue an order to remove Lai Văn Sang, General Director of the National Police. It was also when Ambassador Collins was too dissatisfied with Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm and returned to Washington to stir up the movement for the entire US government to turn 180 degrees, that is, Diệm must go. And this time he succeeded. Obviously, the U.S. Embassy in Saigon did not accept the resignation of Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm. Three days later, that is, April 28, 1955, Bình Xuyên, first, launched an attack on independence and at the same time sent a telegram to Diệm and General Tị Qua Pháp to report on the situation in the country. And the third, General Nguyễn Văn Dĩ, Commander of the 5th Army of Đà Lạt, became General Commander of the Vietnamese National Army and was given full authority to use all necessary means to resolve the dispute between Prime Minister Diệm and the allies. Note that all three events, the first, the second, the third, are recorded, completely in line with each other, in line with the successful mobilization of General Collins in Washington. Diệm must go. Especially note this detail, so it doesn't turn out to be the resignation of the Prime Minister. The transfer of the Prime Minister to France was not with anyone else, but with General Tị, was just appointed by Prime Minister Bảo Diệm General Director of the National Army of Vietnam. It is truly a political lie. By the order of Prime Minister Bảo Đại, Prime Minister Diệm was smart to find a force to lead the Prime Minister, no longer the Prime Minister of a country, of the people, but a representative of the people, of the people. One thing to say here is that when the Prime Minister went to find that force, it was not without a consultant of the people of Vietnam. At that time, who was it? It was Mr. Ngô Đình Nhu, Mr. Trần Quốc Bửu, Mr. Trần Trung Dung, Mr. Trần Chánh Thành, Dr. Bùi Kiện Tính, and everyone else, not one of these people joined Cần Lau, but all accepted Mr. Ngô Đình Nhu's position and was led by Mr. Nhu in the direction of Cần Lau. Therefore, Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm hurried to convene the political parties and national personnel on the following day, April 29, 1955, to ask for an opinion on whether to appoint General Director Bảo Đại over Pháp or not. Here I want to talk about the role of representative of the three parties of the conference. Vietnam has never had a conference consisting of representatives of the 18 parties, if not the 9 parties, and there are 34 senior officers. Those 18 9 parties are National Front Vietnam, Vietnam National Assembly, Youth of the People's Commune of Vietnam, Vietnam Social Democracy, Movement for Independence of Vietnam, Women of the People's Commune of Vietnam, Vietnam needs to clean up the workplace Vietnamese Buddhism, Vietnamese Lao Com Union, Vietnamese United People's Movement, National Revolution Movement, Workers' Union, Spiritual Group, Socialist Society, Youth of the People's Commune of Vietnam, Vietnamese War Warriors, Vietnamese Signing Society, the Socialist Society of Nghệ Tĩnh Bình. It is a pity that there are no more 29 officers in the list. Among these officers, I am familiar with Dr. Huỳnh Kim Hữu Minh Y, his father-in-law Huỳnh Sanh Thông and Anh Dư Phước Long and 3 more officers. They are all men. This can be confirmed by the three-dimensional personality of the people of Vietnam. Although there are political parties with only 30 members and no guns in their hands to fight against the Vietnamese Communist Party, however, there are also 57 political parties with power, which means there are thousands of Vietnamese people. There are 57,000 guns, which are the People's Party of Vietnam, Hoà Hảo, represented by Bí Thư Nguyễn Bảo Toàn, Nguyễn Giác Ngộ. Vietnam National Assembly, represented by Colonel Hồ Hán Sơn, Nguyễn Thành Phương, and the National Front against Vietnam, represented by Nhị Lan Trình Minh Thế and the National Front against Vietnam. There are also some representatives of any migrants, but I think there is no representative for any migrants because at that time any migrants had not settled. On April 29, 1955, exactly 10 o'clock, the meeting included exactly 52 representatives for 18 parties and 34 people who were free to discuss and after a few sentences, Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm said that he did not want to stay because it could affect this or that. The meeting began to work right away. The head of the committee, Nguyễn Bảo Toàn, Bí Thư, People's Party of Vietnam, Hoà Hảo, Secretary Phạm Việt Tuyền, journalist, and other members of the committee stood up and said Ladies and gentlemen, I have been instructed by the National Front against Vietnam to meet with you not to talk about whether Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm is partial or not to carry out Bảo Đại's order. On the contrary, I would like to raise the issue that it is time for us to withdraw the authority of the National Front. The city of Saigon is in turmoil. The people are worried why Mr. Bảo Đại chose to force the Prime Minister to leave the country to refer to the opinion. What reference? Is this a plot to overthrow the government? So I would like to make it clear that if you are willing to discuss the issue in front of Bảo Đại right now, I will stay. Otherwise, I would like to leave this meeting right now. At the moment, the decision to withdraw or discuss in front of Nhi Lan's overwhelming request was just when Captain Hồ Hán Sơn, the representative of General Cao Đài Nguyễn Thành Phương, stood up and declared as follows. On behalf of the National Front, we agree with the National Front to ask you not to care about Bảo Đại's unreasonable order but to work together to end the role of Mr. Bảo Đại If this opinion is not responded, I would like to withdraw immediately. At this point, the whole National Front was no longer shaken up, especially when the head of the National Front Nguyễn Bảo Toàn also stood up to fully support the initiative of both Mr. Nhi Lan and Mr. Hồ Hán Sơn, so they all cheered up. Hundreds of people like one. There was one person who shouted out to overthrow Bảo Đại. And there was a person who pulled out his shoes and threw it on the face of Bảo Đại's picture Mr. Vũ Văn Mẫu, a North Korean professor with another person, ran into Nhi Lan's shoes and said, stand up and take off the picture. Mr. Nhi Lan suffered a lot when he got the picture of the head of the National Front and threw it on the ground. After 10 minutes of shouting, the meeting resumed to elect a committee of the National Front consisting of three prominent figures including Nguyễn Bảo Toàn, President, Hồ Hán Sơn, Deputy President, Nhi Lan as Secretary General. After the meeting, the committee drafted a resolution and after hearing President Nguyễn Bảo Toàn read it twice, all 52 members of the committee accepted and signed it. After that, the committee members asked the President to go upstairs and invite Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm to come down to hear the results of the meeting. Prime Minister Ngô Đình Diệm came down. Everyone stood up. He stood in front of the court. His face was down. Everyone stood up. His face was down. Everyone stood in front of the court. Despite the result of the meeting, the committee still can not accept the resolution. The resolution I referred to consists of three points. First, the resolution was drafted by Prime Minister Bảo Đài. Second, the resolution was drafted by Prime Minister Bảo Đài. Third, the decision was made on April 29, 1955, on behalf of the 18 9th Regiment and the regiment, together with 34 soldiers, signed. Just heard in front of the Minister of National Defense, everyone saw the face of the Prime Minister turn red, and then turn black again and again. He was completely shocked. After hearing it, he was stunned. He took up his sword and tried to calm down, slowly answering almost every word. Please give me time to think carefully about this important issue. Thank you very much. After that, the members of the regiment were silent, reaching for the hands of the fake Prime Minister. Seeing his face, he was clearly worried. At that time, it was 5 p.m. The meeting was over and disbanded. Here, the story is as if the river and Prime Minister Diem were put in front of a rock. Although Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem just wanted to take a horse to his house to ask for help to cross the stream, he did not return to see that it was a white tiger. He did not remove it, it would eat him. But if he dared to climb on its back, just one leap would have taken him to the top of the mountain. In fact, at this stage, Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem is still thinking about a democratic regime, not a communist regime. That's for sure. So when you know that it's over, you can't turn back. In the evening, at 8 p.m., the Saigon News Agency reported to the whole country and the world that there was a massacre The National Security Committee invited people and their families to a meeting at the Saigon Court of Justice to listen to the committee's report on the recent historical changes. And the next day, early in the morning, people, representatives of the political parties, young students, women, journalists gathered in front of the Saigon Court of Justice. Mr. Nguyen Bao Toan, Mr. Ho Hang Son and Ms. Lan wrote a report on the massacre in front of the newspaper the day before. At that time, the three generals, Nguyen Giac Ngo of Hoang Hao, Nguyen Thanh Phuong of Cao Dai and Trinh Binh The of the National Defense Front were introduced by the committee to the Saigon Court of Justice to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. At that time, the three generals, Nguyen Giac Ngo of Hoang Hao, Nguyen Thanh Phuong of Cao Dai and Trinh Binh The of the National Defense Front were introduced by the committee to the Saigon Court of Justice to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. At that time, the three generals, Nguyen Giac Ngo of Hoang Hao, Nguyen Thanh Phuong of Cao Dai and Trinh Binh The of the National Defense Front were introduced by the committee to the Saigon Court of Justice to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. At that time, the three generals, Nguyen Thanh Phuong of Cao Dai and Nguyen Thanh Phuong of Cao Dai were introduced by the committee to the Saigon Court of Justice to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. At that time, the three generals, Nguyen Giac Ngo of Hoang Hao, Nguyen Thanh Phuong of Cao Dai and Nguyen Thanh Phuong of Cao Dai were introduced by the committee to the Saigon Court of Justice to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical changes. to listen to the report on the recent historical 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