The Rise and Fall of the ZAPOTEC EMPIRE

The Zapotec civilization, flourishing for over 14 centuries in the Valley of Oaxaca, is one of Mesoamerica's most underappreciated cultures. This sophisticated society not only created its own early writing system, but achieved substantial urban development, constructed monumental architecture that demonstrated remarkable engineering capabilities and astronomical knowledge, and maintained far-reaching trade networks with distant civilizations. The Oaxaca Valley is the home of the Zapotec people. They are still here. The valley is actually three interconnected valleys, each with distinct ecological characteristics. In ancient times, there were multiple communities living in the pockets, all competing over good farmland and access to water. The Zapotecs called themselves Pe'ena, meaning the people, unlike many other Mesoamerican groups who preserved migration legends. The Zapotecs described their ancestors as having emerged directly from the earth, from caves, or as having been transformed from trees or jaguars into human form. The elites called themselves Benza, meaning cloud people, suggesting origins from the sky, and a belief that they would return there when they died. But the Zapotec's distinctive mythological tradition suggests a deep cultural attachment to the Oaxaca region, and not as coming from another region. Scientific indications are that they did indeed develop from indigenous populations. The earliest evidence of human occupation in the Oaxaca region shows continuous habitation extending back thousands of years. Archaeological surveys indicate that small farming hamlets became ubiquitous throughout the valleys by 1500 BCE, with these communities developing maize, beans, and squash cultivation that would remain the agricultural foundation of Zapotec society through its entire pre-Columbian history. The first known Zapotec political center is the archaeological site of San Jose Magote, which gained prominence between 900 and 600 BCE, when it grew to a population of about a thousand, and covered a large area that included an acropolis for temples constructed on stone masonry platforms of travertine and limestone. San Jose Magote produced the earliest known evidence of Zapotec hieroglyphic writing, an achievement that places the Zapotecs among Mesoamerica's pioneers in written communication. The most famous example is Monument 3, which depicts a naked man whose chest shows evidence of disembowelment, accompanied by glyphs that include drops of blood, and what scholars interpret as the calendar day name, One Earthquake. This shows that by approximately 600 to 500 BCE, the Zapotecs were using the 260-day ritual calendar commonly used in Mesoamerica. Linguistically, the Zapotec people spoke varieties of the Oto-Zapotecan language family, belonging to the broader Oto-Menguean language group that represents the most ancient and geographically widespread language family in Mesoamerica. Survey data revealed that in this period, an uninhabited buffer zone existed in the center of the valley, where the three major arms of the Valley of Oaxaca converge. This no-man's land, presumably maintained as neutral territory among the competing polities, would become the site of Monte Alban, and that is where we're going. Monte Alban phase one, as the archaeologists call it, ran from 500 to 100 BCE, and this is the period of the city's foundation and initial development. Archaeological evidence indicates that around 500 BCE, a substantial portion of San Jose Magote's population, along with inhabitants of neighboring satellite villages, migrated to this previously uninhabited mountaintop. The strategic location offered several advantages, including roughly equidistant positioning relative to the valley's other settlements, a naturally defensible elevated position, participation in a new collective political institution, and symbolic centrality within the valley's geography. Estimates suggest approximately 2,000 people participated in this initial colonization, with the population reaching about 5,200 by around 300 BCE. The site museum displays some of the artifacts found at the site, including particularly fine examples of ceramic urns, carved stelae illustrating the development of Zapotec hieroglyphic writing, and three mummified burials with their associated offerings. Monte Alban contains over 170 tombs distributed across the site, though most remain closed to general visitors for conservation reasons. The elaborate ceramic urns found in Monte Alban's tombs represent one of the most distinctive art forms of Zapotec culture. Most of them are at other museums, but we're going to one of them later, and I will show you some of these amazing works of art up close and explain what they were for. All these stone slabs here in the museum come from building L out on the main plaza, and this is from one of the earliest phase of the monumental construction at Monte Alban, and there's depicting people here. Now they were called originally the danzantes, and they retain that name, dancers, but they're not dancers. These are either sacrificed prisoners or tortured war captives. They're enemy people, and you can tell they were tortured because of the genital mutilation that you see on some of them, but they have glyphs associated with them. They're probably their names. We can't read these as of yet, but they're probably showing all of the enemies that have been defeated in these early days of Monte Alban's expansion. Oh, he's speaking the glyphs. Yeah, it probably says something like, you are superior to us, but you can definitely see all those similarities with Maya, definite differences. I hope we can read these someday soon. It does look like numbers, doesn't it? Yeah, I see numbers on there. These are the elite tombs that were on site. This is also one, and they filled it back in. Oh, they filled the holes back in. Oh, like a grown-in. Oh, I see. There's two on the other side. Yeah, he's talking to a jaguar. The ancient Zapotec name of Monte Alban remains lost to history. Some modern Zapotec speakers refer to the ruins as Daniban, meaning sacred mountain or hill of the jaguar, though it's uncertain this represents an authentic ancient toponym. One possible ancient name for the site is Sahandevui, meaning at the foot of heaven, which captures the site's dramatic elevation and sacred character. The more recent name, Monte Alban, is itself a bit of a puzzle. It may derive from a corruption of a native Zapotec name, reference a Spanish soldier named Monte Alban during the colonial period, or could even, believe it or not, allude to the Alban hills of Italy. Here we are at the ceremonial center of Monte Alban. Look at this. It's unbelievable. This was a sacred precinct where only special people could come, the elites. The ordinary people could not come here. That's changed today, of course, but this platform had to be leveled. This was a mountain, right? And think of the engineering it would have taken to remove all the excess dirt to flatten out this precinct. This is 60,000 square meters, this section of the mountain, and it's enclosed on all four sides, and the buildings are on a north- south axis. They're all aligned to those cardinal directions, but we're going to go up to the top of one of these pyramids and get a better look. Come on. The north platform, which we're standing on, is the second largest architectural complex in the city. The south platform on the other side is the biggest. We're going over there shortly. The north platform appears to have served as the principal elite residential complex for Monte Alban's ruling family and highest ranking nobility. Here on the summit are four small temples arranged around a central patio, colonnaded galleries that once supported wooden roofs, and residential rooms. This panoramic view underscores Monte Alban's strategic position and the conscious choice by its founders to sacrifice agricultural accessibility and convenient water supply in favor of defensibility, visibility, and symbolic dominance over the landscape. Two significant monuments stand near the north platform, Stila 9, depicting a richly adorned male figure, thought to represent an important ruler or noble, and Stila 18, the tallest monument at Monte Alban, which apparently functioned as an astronomical instrument, casting shadows used to mark midday and the winter and summer solstices. We're approaching some architectural remains from Monte Alban phase one. Here on the western side of the main plaza, you can see the original location of the Donzante's gallery that I showed you in the museum. They're associated with building L here. The approximately 300 carved stone slabs all date to between 500 and 200 BCE. This monumental display of defeated enemies served to legitimize Monte Alban's political authority and intimidate potential rivals through graphic demonstration of the fate awaiting those who opposed Zapotec power. Are these originals? Oh, he's speaking a glyph. Monte Alban phase two, which ran from about 100 BCE to 200 CE, witnessed dramatic expansion of the city, its population reaching an estimated 17,200. The city also expanded its political control well beyond the Oaxaca Valley and beyond the Zapotecs themselves. One indication of this is that regional ceramic assemblages in areas surrounding the valley of Oaxaca show sudden adoption of Monte Alban pottery styles, replacing previous local traditions. It was at this time that the Zapotecs here built substantial defensive walls up to nine meters tall and 20 meters wide. This is building J, and I don't know if you notice this or not, if you can tell, but you know the the plaza here is oriented north to south, but building J is on a 45 degree angle. Why could that be? So the usual interpretation is it's probably for astronomical observation. Well, what's it pointing towards? Well, there's several different theories. One is that it's pointing towards the center star in Orion's belt. Another is that it's pointed towards either the setting position of Alpha and Beta Centauri, or of the Southern Cross, or of the rising position of the Star Capella. So it could be any of those things. There's also a passage running through the middle of it, a corridor. What was it used for? Some kind of ritual ceremony with a procession through the building, but no one really knows that for sure. All along building J here you can see these stone slabs, there's over 40 of them, and what are they depicting? You'll see on them glyphs, right? Well, they have place names. These are conquered territories of Monte Alban during phase two of its expansion. This is the period of one of the greatest expansions, and you'll see people with upside down heads. These are believed to be the defeated rulers, so it's stating the names of the places that they conquered. They probably made a slab each time they conquered a new place, and then they displayed them here on building J. Some of these place glyphs have been tentatively identified with known locations, including Cuicatlán in northern Oaxaca, though most identifications remain uncertain. This is from phase two, Monte Alban phase two. Monte Alban phase three corresponds to the Mesoamerican Classic period, and represents the apogee of Zapotec civilization. During this time, Monte Alban's population reached its maximum estimated extent of 115,000 people, spread across the mountaintop, surrounding ridges, and valley floor settlements under the city's direct control. Climbing to the top of the south platform requires ascending approximately 150 to 200 steps, but the payoff is worth it. What a view! The south platform here is the largest structure at this site, but a lot of it is still uncovered. It appears to have served administrative and ceremonial functions in a similar way to the north platform. Not only did the construction of this monumental core require the removal of massive quantities of earth and stone from the mountaintop, but also the creation of over 2,000 artificial terraces on the mountain's flanks to support residences and farms, and the development of water management systems including dams, canals, and cisterns on an otherwise waterless hilltop. These engineering accomplishments required sophisticated planning and an enormous investment of human labor. During the early part of phase 3, what archaeologists call 3a, we have evidence for sustained contact between Monte Alban and the powerful central Mexican city of Teotihuacan, located over 4,000 kilometers to the north. The nature of this relationship, whether diplomatic, commercial, or involving some degree of political subordination, remains debated among scholars, but at the very least, it shows Monte Alban's long-distance exchange networks extended far across Mesoamerica. At Teotihuacan, excavations identified a residential quarter known as the Oaxaca Barrio, where Zapotec immigrants lived for several centuries, maybe as merchants, artisans, or ambassadors. Teotihuacan styles of art can be seen here in imported pottery, figurines, and even in the architectural features in the north platform. Phase 3b, between 450 and 700, saw significant changes in the political geography of the valley of Oaxaca. While Monte Alban remained the valley's largest settlement and presumably maintained its role as paramount political center, secondary centers began experiencing substantial growth and increasing autonomy. Scholars interpret this decentralization as reflecting a possible breakdown of Monte Alban's centralized authority, or a transformation toward a more confederated political structure, or just competition from ambitious noble lineages in the secondary centers. Unlike some Mesoamerican ball courts that feature stone rings mounted on the walls for scoring, Monte Alban's court appears to have used the sloping walls themselves as playing surfaces, with the rubber ball rebounding off the stuccoed walls back into the central playing alley. The terraced areas along the court's sides did not, as you might imagine, function as spectator seating. Instead, these benches may have accommodated ritual paraphernalia or served as surfaces off which players bounced the ball. This one was constructed at approximately 100 BC. That's early. 100 BC. The hillsides would have had all the houses. They created flat areas. The fruit is green like a pear when it's green. When it gets ripe, it breaks open and the cotton comes out. There's some fruits, green fruits on the far side. Oh, so the cotton comes out of the fruit. Yeah. This is tomb 56. There's a residence on top of it. And the tomb was underneath. Yeah, it'd be under someone's house. Yeah. So your, you know, grandpa's right underneath you when you're sleeping. By approximately the year 700, Monte Alban's population was declining substantially. An archaeological survey indicates that many residents relocated to valley floor communities. By 900 to 1000, the great mountaintop capital was largely abandoned, with only minimal occupation continuing into the post-classic period. The Valley of Oaxaca fragmented into numerous small competing polities. During the post-classic period, the Mixtecs, an Otomenguean-speaking people from the mountainous regions north and west of the valley, expanded into parts of the Valley of Oaxaca. The Mixtecs apparently revered the ancient Zapotec capital as a hallowed place appropriate for burying their own elite dead. Now I want to show you one of those secondary centers I was telling you about, the ones that were rising between 450 and 700 at the same time Monte Alban was losing its power. Its name is Atsompa, and it's just four kilometers to the north, but on another mountaintop. The site will give us an idea of the administrative structure of the Zapotec state during its late classic period, when Monte Alban's direct control may have been weakening, and satellite centers like Atsompa were asserting greater autonomy. The relative lack of crowds at Atsompa give us an opportunity to experience a Zapotec archaeological site in a more contemplative setting. Visitors to Atsompa first encounter a broad platform with a central staircase, likely marking the ancient entrance to the ceremonial precinct. Ascending the stairway leads to a series of four terraces. Atsompa takes its name from the Nahuatl language rather than Zapotec, approximately translating as the city above the water or high water mark, though this naming occurred after the Aztec expansion into Oaxaca in the post-classic period. The site's preservation of domestic architecture and craft production facilities give us a more complete picture of late classic Zapotec society than what Monte Alban alone can provide. Scholars have proposed various interpretations for Atsompa's function, including service as a defensive outpost monitoring the northern valley approaches, residence for a cadet branch of Monte Alban's ruling lineage, a ceremonial center serving Monte Alban's elite, and a production center for prestige ceramics. Terrace four, the easternmost, features an elaborate elite residence known as the East House, containing multiple rooms arranged around a sunken patio with exceptionally well-preserved stucco surfaces. The East House includes a ritual steam bath, a feature found in elite Zapotec residences and associated with purification ceremonies and healing practices. Direct access to interior spaces has been restricted for conservation reasons. The discovery of three ball courts at Atsompa, including one longer than any court at Monte Alban itself, suggests that Atsompa may have served as the principal venue for this important ritual activity during the late occupation of the region. Two smaller courts, likely used for training or practice by aspiring ball players, flank the main court. The main pyramid at Atsompa, structure five, rises prominently at the site's western end, but extensive looting in the past has removed most of its stucco facing, leaving only the basal sections with decorative elements. Another elite residential complex at Atsompa, the House of the Altars, features multiple rooms with plastered floors and walls arranged around a patio containing ritual altars. This residence appears to belong to high-ranking nobles and includes associated service areas for food preparation, craft production, and storage. The presence of elaborate residences at Atsompa shows that the site was not merely a ceremonial annex of Monte Alban, but rather housed an independent noble lineage with substantial wealth and authority. One thing we didn't see at Monte Alban, but we have here, is a craft production workshop. There's residences over here, but over here in this area you can see a kiln, yeah, where they fired ceramics, and there are the remains of ceramics as well. This was a ceramic production workshop. By the way, this tradition still continues today down in the village. They're still making ceramics in much the old way, but here at Atsompa, perhaps the pottery that was produced here was made for all the surrounding area. All this taco food is making me hungry. Hola! Oh yeah! One of the benefits of visiting Oaxaca is eating there. Mexican food is fantastic in general, but in my opinion, Oaxaca has the best regional cuisine. Going to a buffet allows you to sample a bit of everything. I have one more Zapotec archaeological site I want to show you. It's the second most significant archaeological site in Oaxaca, after Monte Alban, and it's called Mitla. Mitla is one of the most remarkable ceremonial centers in pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica. It was believed to be a gateway between the world of the living and the dead in Zapotec cosmology. Unlike its more famous neighbor, Monte Alban, which commanded sweeping vistas from atop a flattened mountain, Mitla was constructed on the valley floor with architecture designed for spiritual purposes rather than visual domination of the landscape. The name Mitla is derived from the Nahuatl word miklan, meaning place of the dead or underworld. The ancient Zapotec name was lioba, meaning place of rest or tomb. The Mixtecs who came here later also had a name for it, nyumdi, meaning place of the dead. The site is small and is integrated right into the fabric of the modern town of San Pablo via the Mitla. The entire archaeological area can be thoroughly explored in an hour or two. The site consists of five main architectural groups in the urban core, but keep in mind that back in the day it had suburban areas and farm zones extending outward. The earliest visible structures at Mitla can be found in the South group, the Arroyo group, and the Adobe group. The South group is close to the public, however, and the other two have limited access. The structures in the early groups date from 450 to 700 CE, the same period of time that Atzompa was building up. But Mitla began developing its role distinctly as a religious center. Its location near natural caves contributed to its association with the underworld. A cult of the dead was developed here and a specialized priestly class emerged. As you may have guessed, the Zapotecs were polytheistic and there was an emphasis in their society on ancestor veneration. They believed in multiple levels of heavens and underworlds. Their rituals involved offerings, sacrifices, and communication with supernatural beings, including ancestors, and caves and underground spaces held special significance. The calendar system of the Zapotecs was similar to other Mesoamerican cultures and it was a big part of their religion. They used it for recording events, astronomical observations, and scheduling ceremonies. The Columns group, also known as the Palace group, is a highlight of Mitla. It consists of several rectangular courtyards surrounded by one-story rectangular buildings. This comes from a later time. After around 900, Monte Alban experienced a significant decline and power in the valley dispersed. It was then that Mitla emerged as the dominant religious authority for the Zapotecs and became the seat of a supreme high priest. The most intensive building activity occurred between 1000 and 1400. We're well out of the ancient period now, but I want to give you the full story. Notice that the main courtyard creates an enclosed space isolated from the outside world. This is typical of Mesoamerican religious architecture. It separates the sacred from the profane. Okay, here we are in the main entrance hall of the Temple of the Columns, and here you can see these huge columns over five meters in height. They kind of taper up a little bit at the top. They were made out of single pieces of stone from volcanic rock that they got from the Cerro Madre de la Sur, not far from here, and there was a roof on here. These columns were for the purpose of holding up the roof, which would have been wood, but they're no longer here. But can you imagine what it would have taken to transport these many ton columns to this site over the very rough terrain that we saw out there? Yeah, look, they reconstructed the wooden roof as it would have looked back then. This is cool. This one's got the best mosaic work I've seen. Yeah, they used to think that maybe this was some kind of code or whatever, but it's just for aesthetic purposes. But this was a place where people lived, so I guess these are rooms. I'm sure the Spanish loved that there are crosses on here. So right around here is a stone, they say, has these electromagnetic properties, and I'm just trying to locate. The north building of the complex contained elaborate tombs for high priests and rulers. Typical tombs would be cross-shaped, no connection to Christianity at this point, with an antechamber in front of the stairs. Tombs, one and two. Tombs, but they're closed for restoration. The Zapotec underworld was where the souls of the dead traveled. It was a complex journey with multiple stages. It was believed that the nobles became cloud people after death and continued to influence the world of the living. Tombs served as places for ongoing interaction with the dead. Mitla, being the primary gateway between the world of the living and the realm of the dead, was a pilgrimage destination for those seeking contact with their deceased relatives, even if their graves were elsewhere. It was thought that ancestors could give oracles, providing guidance on important decisions. Here we go. Oh, there's a stairway. Oh, it goes further. The Mixtecs began migrating into the valley of Oaxaca around the year 1000. They initially arrived as traders, but eventually became rulers as Mixtec nobles married into Zapotec royal families. The Mixtecs were known for their exceptional artistic traditions, painted manuscripts, codices, with historical and genealogical information, sophisticated metal working, intricate stone carving, polychrome pottery, and fine weaving. The architecture and art of this period was a fusion of Zapotec and Mixtec design elements. In these later times, before the Spanish arrival, Mitla was the paramount religious center of both the Zapotecs and Mixtecs. The Huillatau, as he was called, was the supreme high priest who resided at Mitla, a prophet, judge, oracle, and medium with the ancestral dead. We are in the north group now, often called the church group because of the church of San Pablo right here. It was built in 1544 directly on top of the Zapotec religious complex, and was built from material taken right from the indigenous temples, which the Catholics destroyed. They eliminated the Huillatau and the rest of the priesthood, prohibited traditional ceremonies, and forcibly relocated the population of Mitla to mission communities. Nevertheless, some parts of the complex have survived and been partly restored. The temple complex was called Yohopai, which means house of the vital force. The main ceremonial chamber was where priests burned copal incense and sacrifices were performed. Adjacent spaces served as living quarters for the priests. The walls were covered with intricate mosaic fretwork called grekas, named for their resemblance to Greek patterns. They were made from thousands of cut polished stones, fitted together with extraordinary precision and without mortar. Each stone element was carefully shaped to interlock with its neighbors. Originally, the stone pieces were set against a stucco background and painted bright red. No design is repeated exactly anywhere in the complex. This suggests that each carried a specific meaning. Monolithic lintels span doorways and support walls, some weighing more than 30 tons. The technology they used for quarrying, transporting, and placing them without breaking them remains a matter of debate, but there are holes carved into their backs for wooden levers used during construction. U-shaped bosses in relief may have allowed ropes or poles to be secured. Fragmentary remains of painted murals can be seen on the interior walls. One wall contains scenes from the Mixtec creation story of Apuala. Another wall depicts the Central Mexican creation saga of the Toltec Chichimex, showing the reach of Pan-Mesoamerican mythological traditions. Another wall portrays the founding of Mitla itself by Zapotec priests. What's really cool about these lintels up here is if you take a close look, you will see that there's some mural painting still preserved above them. Do you see it above me? This is amazing. What you're seeing, this art that's there, is very similar to the art that you find in the Mesoamerican codices that have survived, and not many have survived. But you know, the Mixtecs were very big on keeping track of their history and their genealogies, and they made codices like these. And so this is why many people think that this mural painting that you see on the walls that's similar to codices is Mixtec influence. Can you imagine if these painted murals were a little bit better preserved? We'd be able to read some of the history. They have the famous people. They have genealogies in here that you find, you know, in most of their codices. And you might be able to find out some of the history of the Mixtec and Zapotec people. The Church of San Pablo sits directly atop a large pre-Hispanic platform. The wall of the south atrium was originally part of a pre-Hispanic structure and contains fragments of mosaic fretwork. A geophysical survey done recently here has confirmed the existence of a vast underground labyrinth beneath the church group. A large void is located directly beneath the main altar of the church. This validates early Spanish accounts of their existence and confirms the site's function in a Zapotec cult of the dead. Finally, I want to show you some Zapotec artifacts up close. Right in town near the archaeological site is the Irvin Fricel Oaxacan Archaeological Museum, which has on display many Zapotec-made artifacts. The sites generally only show you the structures, but to really understand the Zapotecs you also need to see the smaller things they made. Beautiful stone carvings and architectural fragments can be seen from various periods. Well, these are representations of buildings. These guys look almost like monsters. You can see similarities with the Maya, but definitely it doesn't look the same. There's painted pottery, figurines, and of course the famous Zapotec effigy urns. Look at that artwork, huh? Yeah, these were left in tombs. So this is clay? They're ceramic, and if I'm not mistaken DC is AD or CE. These are beautiful. Definitely more elaborate, I would say. This art is a little bit more intricate. One of the most well-known Zapotec artistic creations would be their effigy urns. Here's an example of one of their effigy urns. It's one of their more elaborate ones. Some of them are simple, some of them are more complex. This is a really great one, but what is an effigy urn? These were found inside tombs. Sometimes there'd be several of them, and they come in all different sizes. This is one of the bigger ones. Sometimes they're much smaller, but they're urns. You can't see this because of the beautiful artwork on the front, but right behind it, it's an urn. It holds something. Now, of course, when they found them, they didn't have anything in them anymore, so we can surmise that they had some kind of offering for the dead in it, like maybe some special food or drink that would be an offering for the deceased person. We can only guess at this point. And then who is depicted on the front? Well, that's anyone's guess as well. It could be one of their ancestors. It could be a god that's here, some kind of supernatural creature. We don't really know. Well, I hope this whets your appetite to know more about the Zapotecs. They're one of my favorite Mesoamerican societies. Zapotec culture is still alive and well. The Zapotec people today number half a million or more, preserving many of their ancient traditions, including language, weaving, pottery, and festivals. If you ever come here, make sure to visit downtown Oaxaca, where you can get a taste of the local culture and sample some of that great Oaxacan food. In our next episode, we will visit the site of Mesoamerica's largest pyramid and explore a famous temple, which some people claim depicts the great flood that wiped out Atlantis. Stay tuned and don't forget to subscribe.