The Chinese Communist Party's threats to engulf Japan in flames have backfired spectacularly, propelling hardliner Sanae Takaichi to an unprecedented 80% approval rating—a political miracle amid Japan's revolving-door leadership. Echoing failures in Taiwan's elections and the downfall of backed figures like Bangladesh's Hasina, Beijing's aggression erodes its global isolation tactics, as seen in the EU's warm reception of Taiwan's vice president.
In democracies, fear and anger—emotions Carl Jung likened to armored dread—fuel resilient action, dismantling CCP suppression narratives. Historical analogies to Nazi deflections highlight why Xi's regime shuns real war: domestic legitimacy crumbles, and bureaucrats balk at suicidal gambles.
Yet, this fear-export yields silver linings—trillions in Japanese defense boosts for firms like Mitsubishi Heavy, TSMC's soaring value, and explosive growth in reshored supply chains to Vietnam, India, and Mexico. The CCP's reverse-buff empire inadvertently unites the West.
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Hi, I'm Dong Shan. Welcome to Digging
into China, where we explore China in
depths to review unique perspectives.
Recently, following Chinese diplomat Shu
Jen's inflammatory remark about the
severing the heads of Japanese leaders,
the Chinese media has erupted once more,
amplifying aggressive rhetoric. The
Chinese Communist Party now declares it
will plunge Japan into a sea of flames
over tensions involving Taiwan. The
consequence, Prime Minister San
Takayishi remains resolute in her stance
and her cabinet's approval rating has
surged to a remarkable 70% a near record
high. In Japan's landscape of frequent
leadership transitions, this represents
a true political phenomenon.
Such maneuvers by the Communist Party
are not isolated. They follow a pattern.
Since Taiwan's inaugural direct
presidential election in 1996,
its politics had sustained a balanced
alternation between two major parties.
However, from 2013 onward, the party has
interfered in every election cycle
through military threats or performative
displays such as missile tests over
coastal waters, ultimately disrupting
this equilibrium. The Quing town
struggled to maintain its rotational
governance. In these matters, Xi Jinping
and the Communist Party excel at the
propagation but falter in achieving
meaningful outcomes.
It is often observed that those endorsed
by the Communist Party face a downfall
while its adversaries prosper. Just days
ago on November 17, Shik Hassina, the
former Bangladesh prime minister once
boasted by Beijing during her
suppression of protests, was sentenced
to death for crimes against humanity.
Similar fates have befallen. groups like
Hamas, Hezbollah in Lebanon and the
Iranian regime. Yet the reversals
continue. On November 7 and 8th,
Taiwan's vice president Shiaoin Kim
addressed the European Parliament in
Brussel, marking a significant
diplomatic breakthrough. This signals
that the party's efforts to isolate the
Taiwan internationally are steadily
unraveling.
These provocations will precipitate a
profound transformative for Japan and
the global order. Let us commence with
the lens of democratic politics and
public sentiment exploring their
implications for Japan's political
framework and economic strategies.
Consider first the realm of emotions.
Three primary forces propel human
action. Fear, anger, and a desire.
Notably, the most potent drivers of
behavior tend to be negative in nature.
Many analysts argue that the democratic
societies cannot sustain substantial
costs, a proposition I do not fully
endorse. The crux lies in the emotion
evoked by an event if it arouses anger
and fear prompting defense and defensive
and retaliatory measures. The ensuing
costs are viewed as indispensable. The
recent Canadian federal election of
April 2025 illustrates this vividly.
Canadian voters are generally measured,
bordering on political apathy. Yet,
President Trump's suggestion of annexing
Canada as the 51st state coupled with
the tariff threats galvanized the
electorate. Absent these provocations,
the Liberal Party then trailing impulse
across ideological spectrums might have
suffered a defeat. Instead, Trump's
remarks ignited a surge of collective
anger and fear, propelling Mark Conny's
liberals to an unexpected victory.
Reflect upon it. Beyond these twin
engines of motivation, what else
mobilized the voters?
Here, psychologist Carl Young's
perspective on anger proves
illuminating. He described the fear and
anger are manifestations of the same
underlying emotion with anger serving as
fear armored for battle. One might
extend this. Even greed is fear
embellished mascaroding as allure. The
psychology of financial gain exemplifies
this inversion
of fear. Anticipated rewards precede the
dread of loss. The belief that others
are prospering fosters one's own pursuit
only to heighten the terror of
deprivation thereby spurring decisive
action. Likewise, the image of Trump
raising his fist post assassination
attempt fight with the blood visible
from his ear evoked profound public
outrage towards the perpetrator
reinforced by resonant symbols of
resilience. In essence, emotional
impetus stems not from the allure of
gain, but from the aversion to loss, a
psychological void unbound by material
metrics. Persuasive strategies such as
advertising uh does emphasize potential
forfeite over prospective benefits. This
yields broader principles in
interpersonal dynamics. Persistent
pursuit may yield rejection yet
withdrawal. Absent outright disdain
often induces a sense of absence in the
other, enhancing future prospects upon
re-engagement.
Humans, irrespective of gender,
frequently misattribute such voids to
unspoken affinity, a fundamental facet
of our emotional architecture.
Returning to the Communist Party, its
mobilization strategy hinges on fear
sustained through pervasive
conditioning, ingrained obedience, the
suppression of civil society, and vast
resources for systemic control. Any
lapse in these elements undermines
compliance. Democratic societies by
contrast fostered through associative
freedoms, early emphasis on critical
thinking and a pluralistic discourse
resist such coerced submission. Despite
escalated media controls and security
measures in China, incidents of public
disscent persist unabated this year.
From Suchan to Beijing, Yin Nan to the
northeast in compassing projections on
structures, annotations on utility
poles, overpass displays evolving into
workplace expressions. This resilience
endures amid the substantial investments
in surveillance and enforcement. Thus,
neither Taiwan nor Japan regards the
party as a credible deterrent. In
democratic context, a compelling dynamic
prevails. Mastery of collective anger
symbolic power translates to electoral
dominance. Here, obstacles to Japan's
fiscal and political agenda have
dissipated. I once questioned the
viability of expensive monetary policy
in Japan. Yet, the CCP's recent
escalations have shifted the terrain.
Should such incidents recur, public
further may well propel amendments to
Japan's peace constitution. The party's
presumptions treating foreign publics as
extensions of its base betrayed a
profound miscalculation.
This trajectory reveals the party's
reliance on exporting fear even as it
boasts of incinerating Japan. Were such
capabilities genuine, it would scarcely
tolerate a democratized the Republic of
China in Taiwan fortified by robust
legitimacy. dispensing with a sweeping
historical or marshall analysis. Let us
examine the bureau bureaucracy's
calculus of gain deprivation and risk
aversion their pragmatic deliberations.
A conflict with Taiwan or Japan entails
negligible prospects of victory. Even
success would yield a scant bureaucratic
gains. Defeat however far more probable
would obliterate official dom's
foundations. Envision a wager stake $100
with uh with under 1% odds of success,
netting $1 upon win, yet forfeiting all
in loss. Rational actors, even atypical
ones, would demur. Some contend the
domestic strength might prompt external
diversion akin to Nazi war making. Yet
Hitler's electoral mandate far surpassed
the CCP's legitimacy. Moreover, Nazi
expropriations were redistributed to the
populace, a redistribution inconceivable
under the CCP's model. The Nazis secured
a military collaboration only aimed at
the peak at probation. And even then it
was provisional distinguished SS derived
from 1921 stormtroopers from the Persian
rooted vot where Junka nobles evident in
Vong surnames wielded influence. The
1944 plot against Hitler spearheaded by
Colonel Claus von Stolenberg alongside
officers like Carl Godella, former
Leipzig Mayor, Field Marshall Irwin Vong
Witz and General Hanning Vong Tresco
unfolded a post accommodation with
Nazism. Similarly, in 1945, General
Water Wang's 12th Army nominally obeyed
Hitler's Berlin relief order, but
maneuvered westward to surrender to
allies along the Elp. It's chewing
Soviet capit capitulation, breaching
encircumments. It even overran
obstructuring German units sulminating
in US 9th army submission. These
accounts underscore that external
deflection demands rare preconditions.
The people's liberation army's posture
coupled with evident military
disengagement from sheep exemplified it
by absence during the Fujian carriers
catapult inspection including vice
chairman Jang Yos Sha and the Navy
commander signals profound discord.
Internally, the party grapples with
eroding governing legitimacy. Germany
were once externalized wolves to
Versail. China's economic travails,
however, stem from indogenous policies
and missteps. You can't blame the US or
Japan. Externalizing contradictions thus
requires formidable foundations.
Emulating Nazi aggressions at she's
discretion would evoke not Hitler but
choses ignore meaning. Yet this dynamic
yields unintended benefits. The CCP's
global anxiety generation inadvertently
consolidates western cohesion. Consider
its contrarian
uh contrarian essence. Actions in one
direction invite opposition.
Viltifications spur investment in
embargos fortified supply chains
surpassing conventional analysis for
Japan. Heightened threats will elevate
the defense outlays from 1 to 2% of GDP
unlocking trillions in stimulus. Firms
like Mitsubishi Heavy Industries,
Kawasaki Heavy Industries and IHI stand
to thrive alongside electronics and
material suppliers in Taiwan. intensify
the pressure amplify TSMC centrality in
global networks as nations safeguard a
semiconductor computational and
fabrication capabilities. Nvidia's
Jensen Huang's recent Taiwan visit
underscore this urgency beyond the chips
Taiwan's precision machinery and
specialty chemicals will flourish in
drisk supply reconfiguration.
Such reconfiguration brims with
prospects. Vietnam, India, Mexico
nurtured by prior Chinese investments
now absorb relocating capacity, fueling
surges akin to Singapore's trajectory.
Ultimately, genuine warfare eludes the
party because its existential tensions
are domestic. Its paradigm extracts from
the populace rendering foreign affairs
Taiwan's status or peripheral ter
territories peripheral solely she
coverits Taiwan's annexation for
personal glory at the bureaucracy and
militaries expense from a game
theoretical vantage domestic suppression
offers superior efficacy economy and the
probability over external entanglements
with amplified rewards and the prospects
feel embrace assured defeat.
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