Author and speaker James Lindsay joins Shabbos Kestenbaum to unpack the “woke right”—what it is, where it came from, and how a very online movement is leaking into real-world politics. We cover definitions (critical theory, reactionary currents), cancel-culture mirror tactics, the “trust me, bro” power play, and why Israel has become a coalition-splitting wedge issue on the right.
But what they're actually after is power
and punish their enemies and to reward
their friends. This is typical of
reactionaries. Everything was going fine
until we were too tolerant. What you
have is a woke right. This has been a
huge issue since Charlie's murder. How
much of this movement is confined within
social media and how much of it is
actually seeping into real world
political discourse?
>> Online's very fake, but political people
are very online. We have a bigger
problem with it than than a lot of
people want to admit. And I don't think
that this is going to just go away
quickly either.
And welcome back to the brief. We are
joined today by James Lindseay. James is
a conservative activist. He's an author
and perhaps most importantly, he is a
Twitter provocator. James, thank you so
much for joining us today.
>> Yeah, thanks for having me.
>> So before we get into the who's and the
wise, let's just talk about definitions.
So before we get into our conversation,
can you just define for us what do we
mean when we say the woke right?
>> Well, there's two words. Not to
oversimplify for everybody, but the
words are woke and right. Okay, so I'm
taking the word right here to mean
people who identify as being on the
right, who profess to have right-wing
values as opposed to left-wing values.
They prefer hierarchy. They prefer
tradition or at least pseudo tradition.
you know, kind of a pretense at
pretending they have tradition. Whereas
the left is is radically egalitarian.
They want radical equity,
redistribution, and they're vividly
anti-traditionalist, as we all see. So
there's this distinction between left
and right there. Uh so people who
qualify themselves on the right, they
tend to be socially conservative, as a
matter of fact, or at least publicly
they're socially conservative. And then
the word woke. And woke to be as short
as possible about it means using
critical theory or if you want a Marxist
style analysis to uh make your points.
And so you have this fundamental belief
that the world is intrinsically
separated into a conflict that drives
history that is oppressor versus
oppressed. And the alienated oppressed
faction is being withheld from the
center of society by a power structure
that is designed to keep them out for
crooked purposes. So they're going to
awaken to a consciousness that that's
how the world works. It's called a
critical consciousness. It it envisions
an ideal world with their socopolitical
uh arrangement running everything and
criticizes the real world for not being
the same as that real world. That's what
critical theory means. So when you have
people who act like that, who adopt
Machavelian tactics, who worship power
and pursue it, who have no qualms lying
or presenting themselves falsely, who
engage in a kind of a selective cancel
culture, they're against cancelling of
themselves, but they're in favor of
cancer cancelceing anybody who disagrees
with them. Uh then what you have is a
woke right when they're pursuing these
so-called right-wing values. So how much
of the woke right then is a reaction to
the wokeism on the far left and the
cancel culture that we have seen being
dominant in political discourse and
within our American institutions for the
last 10 20 years. Is this an independent
movement outside of that or is this just
reactionary?
>> I think uh it's it's not fair to just
say it's just reactionary but it is
reactionary. So um it's a little bit too
much to kind of like dismiss it under a
reactionary label. It is continuous with
a bunch of reactionary or
counterrevolutionary movements going
back to say Joseph de Maestroy uh
reacting he was a Catholic thinker in
France reacting to the French revolution
believed that there was a divine
ordinance to the uh arrangement of the
state and through whether we look at the
1900s you know the 1920s 1930s we see
the fascist movement we see the uh Nazi
movement arising as a reaction to
Marxism they're explicit that that's
what they are that in fact they are
forms of socialism that are
nationalistic in their arrangement.
Hitler and Mussolini didn't agree on
what defines the nation. For Hitler it
was a racial definition of folk and for
Mussolini it was just a kind of
traditional political national entity.
But the idea was that this
internationalist Marxist socialist
movement was the wrong kind of
socialism. Mousolini explicitly says in
the doctrine of fascism that it takes
its inspiration from socialism but
refocuses it around the idea of the
nation. This is kind of the same ideas
uh in a different form that Dashre had.
This is so there's a long continuous
line of counterrevolutionary and
reactionary thought into which this is
embedded and the current form just like
fascism took its inspiration from
Marxism and kind of reacted to it and
sort of reversed it and relocated the uh
authentic citizen in this national
identity or nationalist identity. What
we have now is this sort what Jordan
Peterson called woke postmodern
neoarxism and that's a lot of words
right you got postmodernism you have to
understand that that's the this
constructivist view of the world
everything's a little bit pastiche truth
doesn't really matter it's all local
your truth my truth and then you have
the critical part of that the the the
post the neoarxist part is critical
theory and so you have a critical
constructivist view of reality that is
now being reacted to so we have
something like a postmodern neofascism
in answer, but it still dips into that
older line of counterrevolutionary,
reactionary, and fascist thought for its
inspiration. So, it's not just
reactionary, but it is reactionary. It
takes the overwhelming amount of its
inspiration, almost all of its energy
from bouncing off of the left and
turning things kind of backwards.
>> Conceptually, this makes sense to me on
an ideological level why we're seeing
this wokeism on the right. On a
practical level though, and this is
where again I sort of struggle with what
the movement is, what are the specific
legislative or political accomplishments
or goals this movement has? It sort of
just seems like it's a rupture. They
don't like this system. They don't like
the main political actor certainly
within the right. So what exactly are
they are they hoping to achieve on a
pragmatic political level within our
democratic framework?
>> Power. It's just like on the left. You
can't actually nail down what the policy
prescriptions of the left are. uh the
radical woke left either. And 10 years
ago, we were all having this
conversation. Nobody could quite nail
down what they wanted. And I used to
joke that it's kind of like the trust me
bro of politics. Look, we don't have
specific policy prescriptions. We just
know that the thing we're dealing with
is wrong. Give us power and we'll fix
it. Trust me, bro. And that's sort of
the logic. And so what they're actually
after is power. the power particularly
to identify and punish their enemies and
to reward their friends to create a
two-tiered system around their
particular ideological bent which is the
same totalitarian impulse you see in
example after example stretching back at
least to the French Revolution. So what
they're actually after is power in order
to be able it's not just a rupture from
the continuity of today. This is what
the critical theory is about. You can't
envision the better world. You don't
know what the policy necessarily has to
look like. But what you do know is that
when you have power to reward your
ideological friends, to advance the
ideological vision, and to punish its
enemies, then you'll be able to
instantiate this new regime that will
somehow be better or more close to the
utopian or ideal uh vision. So this is
the primary ve vehicle that they're
after is their own empowerment in uh
institutional settings and government.
But I mean, they do talk about wanting
to have a Christian, specifically
theocratic Christian nation, or at least
one that's civically uh Christian under
civil authorities and magistrates.
Sometimes, not always, they seem to want
to create something that works a little
bit like a uh preference to what they
call heritage Americans, which seems to
be an ambiguous term that has something
to do with how far back your heritage in
America goes. Um, but seems also to be a
proxy for white or male. They seem to
have strong patriarchal ambitions that
they think are going to set the world a
right. And this is typical of
reactionaries. They say everything was
going fine. Just to kind of like give a
big picture paint a big picture of what
the reactionary mind is. Everything was
going fine until we were too tolerant.
So we're going to go back to the point
where the tolerance created a rupture
from our inheritance. And we're going to
reclaim it. So we're going to be if
we're not supposed to be patriarchal
now, things were better when we were.
So, we're going to be patriarchal again.
If we're not supposed to be theocratic
now, things were better when we were
theocratic. So, we're going to go back
to that. Racist, anti-semitic, you name
it. Same stuff. So, we're going to take
we're going to undo the tolerance that
has allowed society to slip into
degeneracy under our own tyrannical
thumb. But their their entire program is
actually a means to an end. And the end
is getting their own positions in power.
>> There's so much there to to unpack. I I
want to start with this. I'm glad you
mentioned the sort of trust me bro
movement of of political discourse here
because when I think of the woke right,
I'm almost exclusively thinking of the
online sphere, the the bro verse, the
podcast verse, and in particular the the
cesspool now known as as X. How much of
this movement is confined within social
media and the online verse? And how much
of it is actually seeping into real
world political discourse or even
actually electing policy makers with
that mindset? I mean, there's a little
bit of electing policy makers. Dusty
Divers, for example, in Oklahoma at the
state level, state legislature level
being kind of the most prominent
example, and it's hard to think of
another one, but you will start to see
them leaking into local and state level
positions. Maybe they're going to get a
congressman or two. You could argue that
Marjorie Taylor Green and Thomas Massie
are in alignment with them already, for
example, in the House. Uh, so it's
leaking. The problem is that it is
predominantly online and the online is
predominantly fake and there are good
data showing that this is a very online
phenomenon. There are data from the
network contagion research institute uh
the NCRI that have showed in the past
that it is primarily young people young
men in particular who spend four or more
hours per week greater than their peers
online on average who tend to skew this
way. So there are good data showing that
this is a very online phenomenon. But
the problem is, as I keep talking to
people on the Hill, um, in the Capitol
Hill, is that the majority of the
congressional staffers in both parties
are under 25 years old right now and
they all disproportionately are, you
know, rapid rapidly political and
they're frequently online. They spend
more time than their than than most of
their peers online and they're extremely
interested in political content. So,
what you're seeing is that into the
halls of power through congressional
staffers and interns, this kind of stuff
is leaking onto the hill. congressmen
are busy. We all understand that. We're
also seeing it taking over media
apparatuses. Uh we saw the debacle at
Heritage Foundation, which Kevin
Roberts, you know, came to the defense
of Tucker Carlson after he interviews
Nick Fuentes. And then he tries to say,
well, we've got a bunch of these young
people basically that we've let in that,
you know, believe this stuff. And by the
way, we have to reach these young
people. And so there's a lot of leak
into the real world. And a lot of people
have suddenly noticed that this thing
that seemed like an online
uh phenomenon almost exclusively is
having a real world world impact. And I
think the problem to put it more
succinctly is that online's very fake,
but political people are very online. So
it leaks into the political universe
pretty readily. And I think that we have
a bigger problem with it than uh than
than a lot of people want to admit. I'm
just curious because Charlie Kirk was
was so influential and so impactful for
millions of Gen Z American men and I
guess I'm curious with the absence of
Charlie Kirk has this movement um
accelerated has it actually exacerbated
the problems because you have an absence
of a strong male presence so those young
Gen Z men are looking for alternatives.
Yeah, I mean I do think there is a bit I
mean Charlie left a gigantic vacuum and
uh the thing is is that the young men
around Charlie this is one of Charlie's
biggest issues that he was facing in the
last year of his life was that a lot of
the men in his audience were already
being pulled in those directions and he
you know frequently spoke to this he
actually was very afraid that if uh he
couldn't get his messaging right on key
issues including the role of Israel in
the world the relationship of America to
Israel uh and some other issues that if
he couldn't strike that tone right? That
what would happen is you would see a
metriculation of a lot of young
politically active conservatives toward
the Nick Fuentes type crowd or toward a
lot of these other influencers who are
pedalling these kinds of conspiracy
theories and other things. And so he was
very concerned about it and then he's
gone. So all of a sudden he was acting
as a restraining force and that gets
pulled out of the picture.
Simultaneously, all of those other
forces didn't go away and they sense the
vacuum and are happy and ready and eager
to capitalize. And so they dive into
that space pretty readily and start
using in fact even Charlie's death and
the circumstances around it to spin a
variety of theories that you know drive
the wedge deeper about Israel. Did
Israel have an involvement in his death?
For example, was a big narrative that's
still being pushed and that feeds into
these kinds of things. So people that
want to say, "No, no, no, leave that
alone. That's ridiculous." Sound like
they're just scolding or that they don't
want to touch, you know, a secret truth
nobody's allowed to have. And then the
the conspiracy theorists are very able
to play in that field and recruit in
that field on that third rail. Um so
this has been a huge issue since
Charlie's murder. Um and I don't think
that this is going to just go away
quickly either. this is um this is going
to be a defining vacuum to fill and it's
going to be a challenge because Charlie
was a singular talent one in three
generations at best to have a man like
him. So it's going to be a rough ride in
this wake of his murder.
>> I actually just want to piggyback on
something you had just said which is
Israel. So I see Zorani for example as a
perfect example of this. Someone whose
supporters would say well he won because
he focused on affordability. He didn't
really care about foreign policy and
mean meanwhile he literally stated
numerous times that Palestine was the
center of his political identity.
>> I was somebody who began my journey in
organizing and in politics by
co-founding my school's first students
for justice in Palestine.
The
the struggle for Palestinian liberation
was at the core of my politics and
continues to be.
>> He very much won on the grievance
culture that those on the left had using
Israel as this flash rod for it. When
you look at the woke right, as much as
they say America first, we only care
about America just on a quantitative
measurement, they talk about Israel way
more than any other podcast, way more
than than pro-Israel Jewish influencers.
What is it about Israel that is
animating so much of this groper woke
trust me bro verse? What is it?
>> Well, I'll tell you that there's a fun
um coincidence. There's not a lot of
coincidences in the world, but there's a
fun coincidence here, which is the shape
of Israel on the map. If you look at it,
as you'd be very familiar, you got the
Golan Heights up at the top and it looks
kind of like a little bit of a handle
and you have this big knife-shaped
country, right? And it's, you know, all
the way down to that point, uh, I guess
on the Red Sea. So, you have this very
wedge-shaped object being driven into
the MAGA coalition. And metaphors aside,
that's what it is. Israel is a very,
very, very fruitful wedge for them. you
can get people worked up on, you know,
you have a ton of very ironically
libertarian anti-war sentiment. Trump
really ran as being an anti-war peace
president twice. He was very successful
in that regard. It's one of the things
he's most lauded for in his first term.
It's one of the things he's pursued most
aggressively in his second term,
bragging that he's ended eight wars
already. Um, some of which are to
Israel's detriment, and they did kind of
they kind of did him a favor to do that.
But you have a ton of ignorance in the
US. You have a ton of sentiment that
aligns with, you know, this America
first agenda. We're not going to worry
about foreign countries anymore. And you
have a ton of kind of downward mobility
and resentment you can tap into. So,
it's become very easy to turn Israel
into this wedge that's either they're
going to cause us to get involved in
wars or they're dragging us into wars or
they're wasting our money or whatever
resentments that, you know, these
propagandists can attach to the lived
experience of our young people and use
the excuse of Israel in a very
lowresolution way to carve apart
coalitions. People who used to get along
can't get along anymore because they
disagree about the role of Israel and
the relationship that it has with the
United States. But for my money, Israel
is primarily a proxy in this. It is not
the issue. It is the tool that is being
used to drive the issue. And the issue
is the fragmentation of MAGA. Let me
play devil's advocate just for a moment.
Unlike the left, the conservative
movement does not have ideological
uniformity. Right? We encourage debate,
discourse, dialogue. So, how would you
respond to critics who would say that
the only way to combat bad ideas is with
better ideas? And in fact, President
Trump himself was asked about this
recently and he basically said, "Let the
American people listen to who they want
and they will be the ones to decide
which ideas are good and which ideas are
not good." So, how would you respond to
those critics? And why are you against
the platforming of individuals who you
don't consider to be MAGA Republicans
and who are being honest they don't
consider themselves to be MAGA
Republicans either?
>> Yeah. Well, it's fun here because um I
agree with President Trump. There's this
giant straw man. You correctly you
didn't straw man anything. Um you
correctly articulated the straw man
which is that the opponents of what
happened with the critics I should say
of what happened with Tucker Carlson,
Nick Fuentes, etc.
um are not calling for censorship. They
generally agree with President Trump.
They almost to a person agree with the
ideas the way that that we would rather
have these ideas in the light. We would
rather counter them with good ideas. We
would rather see that that bad speech is
countered with more speech or good
speech, however those phrases go. I know
that Seth Dylan's made that argument
again and again. I know that Ben
Shapiro's made that argument again. I've
made that argument again and again. And
I've seen some people call for, you
know, cancelling, like Mark Levin got
mad and said something about cancelling,
but for the most part, nobody's really
saying that. And it's not clear what's
meant by that. Deplatforming is this
other kind of fun issue because it's
like, I've been deplatformed. Nobody's
entitled to a platform, right? So, it's
like because Tucker Carlson's been on
the Turning Point USA stage before, he's
automatically like grandfathered in to
always be on the Turning Point USA
stage, or else Turning Point cancelled
him. Well, by that logic, Turning Point
cancelled me, and you don't see me
whining and crying about it. Charlie and
I remained friends even as he saw it as
uh unfit to have me continue to speak at
Turning Point events because of the
complication he saw around me making the
woke argument. That's just the nature of
this thing. So Tucker's not entitled to
a platform. There's this weird
entitlement complex that's happening
that's passing as like, oh, you're
trying to censor me. It's like, no,
Tucker, first of all, has his own
gigantic platform. Says whatever he
wants every day. Sometimes he gets
blowback, but nobody's trying to take
his show off the air. I don't even want
his show off the air. I think he's doing
a great service to um the United States
by allowing us to see that lots of
people agree with horrible ideas that
we've got to clean up so that they're
not festering under the surface and
filling offices quietly and doing the
long march to the institutions
invisibly. So, um it's a straw man
that's being presented. I'm in favor of
these people sharing their ideas, but
I'm also in favor of people being
responsible enough to say, you know
what, the reputation of my organization
matters. And if we're associating with
ideas like that, then it damages the
mission that we have. It damages the
trust that our donors have in us. It
damages
possibly the prospects of uh the country
to win an election going forward. and
what that means, I should say the party
and then that what that means for the
country and to take that responsibility
and say, you know what, Tucker Carlson
did a very softball interview with Nick
Fuentes. The issue isn't that he had an
interview. The issue is not even that it
was a softball interview. The issue is
that it's we're being passed off like
this is just totally normal. That Nick
Fuentes can sit there and say, "Oh yeah,
Stalin's one of my favorite people." And
Tucker's like, "Oh my god, what do I
do?" we'll circle back to that, you
know, and it just kind of slides on by
and then every other organization is
like, well, Tucker's been my friend for
a long time, so I'm just going to say
that this is fine. And it's not just
this, by the way. Tucker's had a pattern
of doing this. At some point, you know,
you're like, well, maybe this guy's gone
crazy and he's bad for what we're doing
in our mission and we don't have to keep
having him at every single thing. And
it's not cancellation to do that any
more than I was cancelled from Turning
Point USA or whatever because I started
speaking about the woke right and
Charlie thought that that was a bag of
drama he didn't want to get into. Every
organization has the right to decide who
it wants on there and who it doesn't.
Nobody's entitled to that platform. And
because I'm actually in that position, I
can say this with some authority. So, I
think it's a straw man. I think it's a
it's a weaponized line. It's not
realistic, but it's very effective. So,
we've got to kind of cut through that
more speech. I'm still a free speech
absolutist. I don't want President Trump
in particular. I don't really even want
like X coming in and laying this thumb
on the scales. If it's not incitement,
if it's not uh direct calls to violence,
threats, defamation, you know, all the
nonprotected speech, let it fly. Let's
have the debate. And let's also be able
to draw clear lines and say, "Look, if
Tucker wants to say stuff like that,
that's fine. But he doesn't represent
what the Republican party represents,
then that's fine. may go his own way.
>> A lot of important points there. I think
chief among them being on a practical
pragmatic level. If a political party
seeks to win elections in the future,
the overwhelming majority of the
American people reject extremism on both
sides. I was on the far left and I left
the far left because they just became a
a a party allergic to reality. And I
think the Republican party and the
conservative movement as a whole, if
they allow the woke right to grow
unabated, is in danger of doing the
exact same thing. You've given us a lot
to think about. I want to thank you not
just for your efforts in restoring
sanity to the conservative movement, but
also restoring sanity to the greater
American political discourse. I
definitely learned a lot. Thank you so
much again.
>> Yeah. Well, thank you for the
opportunity.