Die Gubernative an Hand eines Vortrags von Herrn Bosbach in München - 01/2018

Do you know our constitution? Who makes laws? Who controls them? Do you know what the gubernative is? Yes, Mr. Bosbach gave a lecture in Munich. I was invited there and he had some great things to tell. They are closed to the normal democratic voter and belong to the secret in our society. Good evening and welcome to the Unternehmerblog, shortly called Unterblog. Join me on my journey of life and get to know the secrets of society and economy, which are often kept secret by politics and the media. And today I have something that the moderate citizen, the politically interested citizen, usually does not know. Now you said, I say, he knows that and the others don't. No, but they don't usually know it either. Only the specialists know it. And in the last few months I was also allowed to learn a new word here by watching, writing the comments. The word learning, the word of the gubernative. Never heard of it? Yes, it's coming in thick. Our government makes laws, consists of ministers, the chancellor in the front. We all voted for her. And well, it's not that easy. No, it's actually quite different. And we have to think about who we vote for. And we elect our constituency, members, who then move to Berlin in the event of a victory. But many people also move to Berlin who we have not elected directly as such, who come to parliament via a percentage, a contingent on a list, who have lost their constituency, but are considered by the party as so important that they are relatively high up on the party list and are then occupied accordingly according to the percentages. So that means we have parliamentarians in Berlin who have been elected directly by us and we have some in there who have been elected indirectly. And after the last election, there was a great eclipse and catastrophes that some high-ranking politicians had not won their own constituency, who either had it so twisted that the voters no longer wanted them, or that they were punished in the party in such a way that they were moved to less secure constituencies where they could not win. So there you notice that not always the people come to Berlin who we have elected as such. Mr. Bosbach, I was invited by the mayor of See, whose company held an event there at the Nuremberg Palace, and there he said, yes, he knows me, and so on, from our whisky trade, and he had already seen something here from my sub-blog, and whether we would not be interested, and everyone probably has such contingents that he could invite there, and then we were invited. Thank you very much for that. And there were 400, yes, so mostly, I would say, privateers. I was one of the younger ones. Yes, it was because it was a bank that managed a large fortune. Yes, that's what they all looked like. I sat there with my shirt on and everyone else in black hair and so on. Yes, well, I have a picture on Facebook. Oh, I also posted it here as a selfie with Mr. Bosbach. You can see that I didn't care about the label as such. Yes, the reputation is only ruined and so on. You know that. If we have a change of government, then we have, let's say, 100 jobs tipping over, and the rest, then it is said so nicely in the ministries, ministers come and ministers go. If you want to achieve something, yes, not in the next four years, but then again, then you have another chance. So ministers come, ministers go, the official stays there in the ministry. In the USA, very recently after the election to the president, there was a ceasefire. There are not 100, there were a total of 4,000, said Mr. Bosbach. And on top of that, highly interesting, all ambassadors are called back to the USA. All ambassadors must be in the USA for the president's election. And Mr. Bosbach was sitting together in the plane with the American ambassador. He just flew to Washington now. And he was sitting on glowing coals because of huge delays and so on back then. And he had to get out of the country. Otherwise he would have violated the constitution or something, and that would have been very bad. Yes, it is interesting, Switzerland has now, what do we have now, at the end of January 2018, already again an American ambassador, the Germans do not. Good, interesting thing. So our ministers in Berlin are elected. No, they are not elected, but we elect parliamentarians. So the ministers are parliamentarians. No, ministers do not have to be parliamentarians. Ministers do not even have to belong to a party. We remember Mr. Müller. What was his first name? Clemens? Yes, I don't know anymore. He was economic minister under the SPD government Schröder. Red-green. And he was previously associated with one of these state corporations, Feber, RWE, union-oriented, Montan, you already know. Yes, there are terrorists in there. And then they dragged him here. Then he had to become a minister. The only thing we elect is the chancellor, chancellor, chancellor. Yes, to gender modern here. Yes, gendering, that's what it's called. You don't know your way around. Yes, I know my way around. But I don't really want to say it. So we elect the chancellors. And in the past we have also elected a chancellor. And interestingly, how many chancellors have we had in the last 35 years? Mr. Bosbach also asked in the round. Three. Kohl, Schröder, Merkel. In 35 years. Or was it 32 years? Don't hold me to that. So huge time. Crazy how long for us or how few that is. There are young people who vote. We actually only know Merkel. Sitting there, always sitting there. Meter not gone. How many heads of government do you know from Italy? So Germany is a hoard of stability. But this stability does not only have its advantages. If you look at it now, the north of Italy has a higher gross domestic product than Germany. North of Rome. So it's not as bad as you do in Italy. But in the south of it is the development country. So that's where it all goes back and forth. The parliamentarians elect the chancellor. In the first election with an absolute majority and in the end with a simple majority. They elect the chancellor. And article 64 of our constitution determines that the ministers are appointed and dismissed by the president on the suggestion of the federal chancellor. This is all that the constitution contains about this important act. Only for an important reason can the federal president refuse to appoint a minister. As far as I know, this has not yet happened. That is, what the minister sits up there and does and does has comparatively little to do with the parliament. You elect a chancellor or a chancellor. And she decides, not entirely alone, but with a presidium of a party, who will then become a minister. And this presidium of the party does not necessarily have to have won its electorate, but can somehow have slipped over the list. That is, ministers are elected who do not necessarily have the people behind them. And so we have nothing to do with the ministers of the legislature. So the legislation. They say, the government makes the laws. No, that's not really right. No, that's not really right, but the government considers laws and then they are presented to the parliament for vote. The sovereign is the parliament. Now you just have the problem, if you do not agree with these laws in this parliament, then you will not be reinstated the next time. That's why there is something like a party compulsion, which is not written anywhere, but it is there. Because if you don't do that, you're out. That means that the politicians, the MPs, are not free in their decisions. This is important to understand. This is a huge problem. Then Mr. Bosbach told a highly interesting thing about our border opening for refugees. And now we have to say who Mr. Wolfgang Bosbach is. He is a lawyer by nature, like so many. He is excellent at all these things. And he was deputy chairman of the Bundestag Fraktion der Union from 2000 to 2009. You have to say that he is the chairman of the faction. Politically very highly decorated, very important person. Because he leads the party as a determining factor against the chancellor. So he is the party as condensed. And for that he gets a lot of party money, a lot of money, for these extra posts. And since that is well endowed and you should have your party, no, officers, so officers, want to reward properly. So there are some vice-chancellors in the party leadership, who then lead the party leadership when the chairman is prevented or something. And also have special tasks there. And there was Mr. Bosbach, the vice-chairman of the faction. And then from November 2009 to July 2015 he was the chairman of the internal committee of the German Bundestag. Then in 2017 he no longer ran for the Bundestag. And with that he ended his political work at this point. And now he is the chairman of the internal committee. The members of the internal committee are now parliamentarians who take care of internal politics. And what do they do? They do something in principle, they monitor the minister. The minister could be without a party. Could not be integrated into the faction and must now be monitored so that he does not turn the wheel. And that is now called a gubernative. I'll read that briefly from Wikipedia. Gubernative stands as a technical term for the government of a state, when its scope of action as part of the executive, i.e. the execution of violence, is addressed in the context of the division of power. So in principle we have the parliamentarians as legislative, as legislation, and the government as part of the executive, the execution, although it basically decides the laws on the basis of the parliament. They sit in between. To the right executive, consisting of officials and top officials. Government violence describes the powers of a government. And there they can, in principle, exercise military, police or legislative measures. And in this difficult environment, the government has now made border opening possible. And according to our laws, a valid passport and, in case of doubt, a valid visa are required for crossing the border. The asylum law gives you the opportunity to do this even without it. But with 90 percent of the arrivals, it was probably economic refugees. And to let them in without a passport and so on was a difficult situation, which only arose because the government was afraid of it, according to Mr. Bosbach. That there would be a confrontation of federal police, i.e. armed, militarily armed, armed police at the border of Germany. And that this would be shown internationally in the media. The Germans are standing with a machine gun at their borders and shooting at the Arabs. So they were afraid of that. And that's why, in principle, a law was put out of force, which means entry only with valid papers. And now there was a conflict between the interior minister as part of the executive and the chairman of the interior committee of the Bundestag as part of the legislative. And then Mr. Bosbach ran into Mr. de Maizière. He didn't say much about it, but you can imagine that it was a big bang. It was also a big bang for Mr. Bosbach at another point, namely when the European Rescue Fund for Greece, this EFSF blah, was somehow said goodbye. And there Mr. Bosbach voted against the farewell at the evening vote. And then Mr. Pofalla came and threw something terrible at the pear, which can be counted as an insult. He later apologized for it. And the important thing at this point is that a representative of the executive has tried to oversteer the highest right of the German Bundestag, namely the right to household money. And to call for party reason in the context of a, yes, fractional compulsion. So here the chancellor's minister, Mr. Pofalla, at the time, had crossed the line between the executive and the legislative a bit. And he probably realized afterwards that he may have been brought up there, but he was not allowed to cross the highest right against the parliamentary elected one, the people's sovereign. And in this respect, the chairman of the interior committee has a considerable influence towards the minister. And in the end, behind closed doors, there would have had to be a fierce dispute, where, in principle, the interior committee of the government had washed its head. And actually they should have said, we won't burden you next time. And now you can't say, I won't elect you as minister anymore. But actually one would have had to play a trick here and say, we won't burden the chancellor, the chancellor, because she doesn't have the minister under control. I suppose that's what Mrs. Merkel said to Mr. Pofalla. Here, let's go over here, I apologize. You have exceeded your competence. I don't know about my own guess. That was this, that was that. And now it's going to be really difficult for the people to solidarize themselves with these decisions of their ministers. Because first of all, they didn't elect them. Secondly, they are doing things that are at the limits of legality. And, as it looks like, they won't have any influence on the choice of ministers in the next election. And right at this point, the big break in society happened to us. And people said, okay, if the big parties no longer stick to the will of the people, but there are some higher goals that are not to be done with the German people or something, then they'll vote differently. Then they'll vote, oh God, then they'll vote for the people. Wah! I didn't say that, I'm sorry. Then they'll vote for parties that are more or less populist, at prices that would actually have been legal. That's where the problem is right now in our politics. And that's exactly the point why the big parties that the ministers put in place in recent years have lost so many percentages. From 66 percent or more than 66 percent down to a few and fifty. Lost massively. And finally there was a new survey. If there were new elections at the moment, then CDU, CSU and SPD would be below 50 percent. They would still have a majority, because there would be cast votes that would not go to parliament. So you could still have the majority with 48 percent. But by now it would be damn close. This is the crisis of our current government system, which is not really driven into society, because you say, put your head in the sand and rather hit the rights. But the rights are there for a good reason. That will be silenced here. I don't want the rights from the government, definitely not. You shouldn't interpret it like I'm for the rights all of a sudden. No, no, no. I'm for freedom. But with that you can understand why things are going so badly in our democracy at the moment. The left has lost anyway. You have to watch my video, a right-wing move in Germany. Since Schröder is red-red-green in a permanent retreat and has lost so massively that in principle now a participation of the SPD in the government with the position of minister is the last thing the people want. What the people really want, in short, you can see it in Austria. Now Austria was forced to have the left and the right, the right and the far right, or as you want to call it, have entered into a coalition. They were forced to do so because a large coalition over decades is not good for a people. Because there these party systems become self-reliant and the citizen no longer has a real choice, but the entire decisions take place within the apparatus and not only at the citizen level. That's the problem. Thank you very much for watching.