This video dissects China's economic pivot, using the 2020 pandemic as a fault line between boom and bust. A decade ago, youth jobs thrived amid manufacturing glory; today, civil service fever and soaring unemployment signal decline. Drawing on global models—underdeveloped agrarian states, industrializing developers like China under Deng and Hu-Wen, and service-led powerhouses like the US—we trace the shift. Policies like family planning and land revenue fueled industrialization but clashed with the tertiary leap needed for developed status. Under 习近平, unaddressed flaws, suppressed entertainment/finance, and "traditional economics" prioritizing production over consumption trapped China in the middle-income snare. With stagnant GDP and fading global edge, is the CCP's grip the fatal flaw? Can lost momentum return?
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Hi, I'm Dong. Welcome to Digging into
China, where we explore China in depths
to review unique perspectives.
If [snorts] we view the CO9 pandemic in
2020 as the key turning point in China's
economy, then the years before and after
mark two whole different phases. Take
youth unemployment for instance. Just 10
years ago, it was the high point of job
prospects in China with the entire
country buzzing from steady economic
growth. Fresh college graduates back
then aimed for roles at large companies
or foreign enterprises. Civil service
exams drew little interest and those who
tried often targeted more business
focused spots like banks. Now things
look very different. The number of
people sitting for those exams each year
is so vast it could span the globe and
the youth unemployment has climbed to
record levels. So when did this shift in
China's overall fortunes truly begin and
how much blame falls on Shiinping? We
will explore that in this episode.
Economists today typically divide the
countries into three groups.
underdeveloped, developing, and
developed. The last two are
straightforward. China counts as
developing. The United States as
developed. Underdeveloped ones are those
with per capita GDP still under $1,000.
Most underdeveloped countries have never
truly joined the global economy.
Consider Sudan in Africa locked in a
fierce civil war since 2023 that has
killed tens of thousands. We hear
endless coverage of the wars in Ukraine,
Russia or Israel, Hamas. But Sudan's
conflict barely registers. These places
seem left behind and without
globalization their economies stick to
basic activities like farming. Generally
if agriculture makes up more than 30% of
GDP the country is underdeveloped.
Developing and developed nations however
are fully part of the global system
though each place a distinct part. What
stands out about the developed countries
apart from their wealth is the strength
of their tertiary sector services. This
goes beyond everyday things like tourism
or dining to include a film, finance,
software development, AI systems and
self-driving technology or under
services. A developed economy's success
ties directly to this sector's size. The
larger it is, the greater the
prosperity.
Developing countries in contrast focus
mainly on the secondary sector industry
which covers manufacturing and
construction. This breakdown helps
explain the huge gaps in per capita GDP
worldwide. Underdeveloped nations go it
alone missing out on globalization the
biggest economic shift in history. So
poverty persists. Countries like the
United States reach developed status not
just from the dollar's power but from
leading the global order as creators.
They use innovation and research to sell
products everywhere. Spread culture
through Hollywood movies and draw
investment with stable institutions,
trust and legal protections. Developing
countries handle the assembly of those
products. So their industry thrives. But
since making things require less
creativity than inventing them,
developed the nations end up with a
higher per person income and GDP. Why
dwell on this structure at length? It
clarifies why China surged ahead from
Dang Xiaoing's time through the huan
years only to slow down. Now, back then,
the goal was to lift China from a poor
farming economy to a strong developing
one. Dang Xiaoing started by building
ties with the United States. But the
real foundation was 40 years of policies
aimed at creating a manufacturing giant
to solidify China as a top developing
power. Even if some steps were harsh on
people, industrialization needs more
than a spot in global work divisions. It
calls for affordable, steady workers in
large numbers, kept in check. In the
world's biggest communist country, labor
protections were minimal, and the
government often stepped in to curb
worker protests or strikes. The
so-called edge from lower human rights
standards. During Dong Xiaoing and Huin
Tawan Jaba eras, key policies seemed
unrelated to industry at first, but they
all supported this rapid push forward.
Family planning is a clear case. You
might wonder how it fits. Doesn't it
reduce the workforce? Yes, it limited
the future population and labor supply.
But by cutting birth rates at the time,
it ease the move to industry in key
ways. Babies are a pure cost right away,
eating up resources. Fewer of them ease
the food demands, allowing a shift to
industrial needs. Even more important,
it freed up workers, especially women.
India and China have similar overall
population, but India's higher birth
rates keep many women at home raising
children, leaving its workforce hundreds
of millions behind the China. The policy
of higher housing prices driven by land
sales revenue also aided
industrialization in unexpected ways.
This was a clever tactic by the Chinese
Communist Party. Dictatorships often
squeeze citizens too hard, stalling
growth. Land revenue turned that squeeze
into short-term fuel. Local governments
focus the pressure on land, raising
prices and funding infrastructure to
pull money from people. At its peak,
land sales made up over 40% of local
government income. The clever part was
its fit with industry. Housing and
infrastruct infrastructure are both
secondary sector activities and a new
roads from those projects boosted
manufacturing. What could have hurt
growth instead helped it in its setup.
True, some policies from Dang Xiaoping
to Huan were deeply unfair to people.
Still, they aligned with China's push
for progress. That balance broke down
when Xi Jinping took power. His
situation deferred sharply from Huin Tao
Wunjaba or Jang Zaming. If he had not
sought another term, things might have
stayed steady. But by extending his
rule, he faced a core challenge, leading
China to develop the status. This was
the true test of the nation's path.
Success would carry the momentum
forward. The failure would end it. Many
see Xi Jinping as misguided. But in
China's economic story, his role matches
Dang Xiaoing's importance. Dang Xiaoing
poured country from Maong's era of rural
poverty into a developing industrial
force, earning 40 years of good fortune.
Shi Jinping's task was to take it from
developing to developed. That meant
major changes to han approaches and new
directions. A win would bring fresh
prosperity. A loss would bring decline.
the very issue China faces today. At the
moment when big choices shape the
future, Xi Jinping arrived, but he fell
short as the needed changer. It's not
that he avoided the change altogether.
He tried some but they either failed to
deliver or moved in the wrong direction.
He kept the many who hold overs intact.
Those helped the quick industrialization
but they don't aid develop the status.
Some even block the growth of services
like the low human rights approach.
Useful for fast factories. It now holds
things back. Services grow not just from
innovation but from people with money
and time to spend on it. Under tight
labor rules, Chinese workers are
squeezed dry. No cash or hours left for
buying. In 2012 when Shiinping
administration began, China should have
strengthened the labor laws. More rest
better pay for the basics. So everyday
people could consume. He did not
prioritize this. Enforcement targeted
only state debts like a social security.
Hard hits there but silence on forced
overtime. Family planning followed the
same pattern. Fewer births helped the
industry but they hurt the shift to
develop the status. Children don't work
yet but their spending matches or beats
adults fueling services. Changes were
overdue when Xi Jinping started. Instead
second child allowance came in 2015
third in 2021. By 2024 birth rates were
near zero before full restrictions
lifted. on land revenue. He made some
adjustments but left it unfinished. High
prices under that system drained the
spending power. Homes took all the
money. Xi Jinping first pushed houses
for living not investment to cool
prices. But after push back he stopped
and under him prices rose even more
sharply. If his errors stopped at
mishandling old policies he might seem
only clumsy. But Xiinping also actively
damaged the paths to develop the status
like by targeting certain services.
Gaming and film are prime examples. In
2018, a sudden freeze on game license
lasted from March to December 265 days
with none approved, bankrupting many
small companies. It happened again in
2021 unannounced for 263
days. State media like Economic
Information Daily joined in, calling
games a spiritual opium. For films, 2016
brought the limits on shows, historical
dramas, and Korean imports. 2018 added a
strict reviews and big tax checks. The
results, the industry collapsed. These
steps came from Xiinping's unique view
of China's developed future at odds with
the standard economic thinking. He did
not see a service-led economy handing
manufacturing to places like India or
Vietnam. Instead, China would innovate
and produce everything. And innovation
meant manufacturing only. Services could
touch high-tech like AI but not
entertainment.
So under Xi Jinping, entertainment and
finance faced cuts while bats went to
advanced industry. electric vehicles,
solar panels. This top-down style driven
by sudden ideas rather than markets led
to overp production in those areas. The
cheap exports that followed worsened
ties abroad. This approach stems from
Xiinping's economic view and China's
real conditions. Looking closely at his
ideas and policies shows a limited grasp
of economics. Dang Xiaoing is known for
leaving the man road to test the waters
step by step. Xi Jinping follows a
similar ad hoc path. Services offered
the clear way to develop the status but
he turns away shaped by an old style
Marxism what I call the traditional e
economics. At its heart production above
all to Xi Jinping making things is
everything. Without output the economy
is empty. This view stretches hard work,
low benefit, controlled wants and the
less spending. Games means laziness. The
play is now not real effort. Production
is the only true measure. This thinking
is not his alone. It turn it runs people
in China from years of Marxist economic
teaching. When judging a country's
strength, we often look first to
factories. Korea does well. It's
Samsung's chips and phones, not K-pop or
Squid Game. Japan excels. Think Toyota
cars, not its comics, games, travel, or
culture. Dang Xiaoing's leaders managed
the change from farms to factories. Xi
Jinpings have not bridged to services.
Beyond this mindset, China's system
makes the services shift hard. The main
barrier is the Chinese Communist Party
itself. services rely on spending, but
keeping up the party's huge structure
leaves little for public wallets. In
China, consumption is just 37% of GDP,
far below the United States, Japan, or
the European Union. Some say it's
because Chinese save too much. But it's
really about how income is shared.
People get only 40% of GDP. From every
$10 made, the state takes six, leaving
four. In the United States, people get
eight. Without the strong spending,
services can't take off. China starts at
a disadvantage. Here to raise incomes
means cutting government cost sharply,
shrinking staff, and limiting elite
gains. Steps that threaten the party
directly. The tight control on speech
and ideas also limits services global
reach. Is deepseek's weak international
presence just from tech or chip issues?
No. In China, AI must follow party
lines. Deepseek stays a local tool like
a BU once was. Ask about the 1989
Tanaman Square events. It says, "Oh,
let's talk about something else."
Chinese accept the filter after years of
them. Outsiders walk away. Films and
games often push positive messages. How
many foreigners watch party promotions?
Finance suffers too. Sudden asset grabs
scare away investors. Xi Jinping's hold
on information and unchecked power
strips away freedoms at home and boxes
in services abroad and within. China's
setup from the start hinders service.
Real growth. The real growth there
requires political changes from within.
Add Xiinping's odd visions and his rigid
traditional logic and the country takes
a strange turn. By 2021, China's per
capita GDP reached $12,900
then flatlined just $600 more over four
years with the growth under 1% a year.
Against the United States, China's share
of GDP had fallen each year since. All
the predictions of overtaking America by
2035 now seem endlessly delayed. To me,
the start of China's declining fortunes
came before 2021. Before when Xi Jinping
took office in 2013 or even earlier. It
was when the Chinese Communist Party
chose this strongman leader after who
went instead of someone open to
democratic steps. That choice sealed the
downward path. Economists described the
middle income trap where countries try
to reach developed status often stumble
and fall back like Mexico or Argentina.
Those cases feel almost predictable. Low
education levels meant no new thinkers.
So services couldn't grow and the shift
failed. China is different. Even with
the party's limits on services and
spending successes emerged. Deepseek,
labubu, tik tok, Chinese people show
real creative potential unlike those
earlier Latin examples. The trap does
not have to claim China, but it faces a
party that clings to power and and
Xiinping set on his unusual course to
the end. These are now the biggest
blocks to progress. The party will fade,
history will end it and the force
change. The question is time. When that
happens, will China be stuck too deep in
the trap to recover or still able to
push forward develop the status once
more? Can the lost momentum return?
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