Xi Possibly Stripped of Power? Hu Chunhua–Wang Yang Take Control, Wang Huning Defects

Since the third plenum last year, the state of power surrounding the Supreme One, Xi Jinping has become the focus of attention and debate across many circles. Recently, an authoritative source from within the regime revealed that Xi has been stripped of power, while the Hu-Wang duo, Hu Chunhua and Wang Yang, has taken the reins. Meanwhile, Wang Huning has broken away from Xi and thrown his support behind Hu and Wang. An unexpected power transition is said to be unfolding, with a series of moves that could reshape China's future. What exactly is happening? Let's dive in. Authoritative Source, Xi Has Been Stripped of Power On Thursday, August 28, political commentator Tang Jingyuan revealed in his independent media program that he had received exclusive information from multiple high-level insider sources regarding the current political situation within the Chinese Communist Party, CCP, the state of Xi Jinping's authority, and the direction of future politics. This revelation contained five key points. The first came from a figure said to have a very close relationship with the CCP's core national leadership. This person stated bluntly, Xi Jinping has been stripped of power, he no longer holds any real authority, and it is only a matter of waiting for the right time to announce it. The source did not mention when or how Xi's exit would be announced, whether through a semi-retirement or a complete withdrawal. The only thing he made clear, the insider stressed, is that Xi Jinping has definitely been isolated. Right now, Xi is merely an actor playing a role to maintain a facade of stability. The second piece of information came from another powerful insider. According to this source, Xi's successors have essentially already been decided, Hu Chunhua and Wang Yang. Within their circle, most believe Hu Chunhua will assume the top leadership role, very likely in cooperation with Wang Yang, forming what is being called the Hu-Wang duo. Tang speculated that Hu Chunhua would likely become general secretary, while Wang Yang would serve as premier. The source also noted that once in power, Hu Chunhua may relaunch the massive Rural Revitalization Strategy, a project he oversaw as vice premier, involving investments of several trillion yuan. The goal would be to establish a solid economic foundation for Hu and Wang's leadership while opening the door to the next stage of political reform. Tang pointed out that the Rural Revitalization Strategy had long been championed by Hu and Wang as a major initiative to boost China's rural economy and culture, narrow the urban-rural divide, and reduce inequality. In essence, it is an effort to redistribute the economic pie and use that to stimulate rural development. This aligns with the governing ideals of Wang Yang and Hu Chunhua, but it is clearly at odds with Xi Jinping's approach. Xi, by contrast, confiscated wealth from private entrepreneurs, squeezed farmers and migrant workers, and funneled those resources into industries dominated by elite political families. Independent commentator Xiao Shuojia noted that this Hu-Wang duo information matched what he had previously learned, though with a difference in order. Earlier, his sources indicated that Wang Yang would become general secretary and Hu Chunhua the premier. Now, another source claimed Hu would take the general secretary post and Wang the premiership. Xiao Shuojia remained cautious, suggesting that by seniority, Wang Yang was better suited for general secretary since the CCP places heavy emphasis on hierarchy and tenure. However, since the Hu-Wang duo claim comes from authoritative sources, the likelihood of their succession is not baseless. The Hu-Wang tandem has gained collective support within the CCP, including from many party elders and members of the Politburo. Xiao Shuojia added that the only major variable is Xi Jinping's refusal to step down. He believes reports of a backup plan discussed at the recent Beidaihe meeting, authorizing the The plan specified, The third key piece of information involved Wang Huning. Recently leading a delegation to Tibet, Wang is rumored to have already jumped ship, cutting ties with Xi. After this year's two sessions, he reportedly began openly supporting Hu Chunhua and Wang Yang. The source further revealed that He Weidong had long been detained, while Defense Minister Dong Jun had also been arrested and investigated, though later reluctantly released. This confirms earlier reports by the Financial Times about Dong Jun being under investigation. The fourth piece of information stated that at the end of June this year, the CCP's top leadership underwent a seismic shift with the establishment of a new central decision-making coordination body. It is said that this body wields enormous influence over CCP politics, and the true manipulator behind it is a party elder. The fifth revelation was that the issue of Xi Jinping stepping down has in fact caused repeated tug-of-wars within the CCP's upper echelons. The main reason is Xi's refusal to yield, leading to stalled or repeatedly revised transition plans. Tang Jingyuan stressed that while the accuracy of these reports cannot be guaranteed at 100%, they serve as highly important reference points. He argued that they align well with Hu Chunhua's recent trip to Tibet, which signaled a significant rise in his political standing. Moreover, Wang Yang has long enjoyed strong popularity with the public, a fact consistently demonstrated throughout his career. Today, I will focus on Wang Yang. Wang Yang and Xi Jinping, Two Opposite Styles Before 2012, outside observers widely predicted that Wang Yang would become premier while Li Keqiang would take the post of general secretary. But the CCP does not fear competence. It fears anyone who crosses the line. Wang Yang's free election experiment in Wukan, though praised by society, deeply alarmed the party's conservative elders, especially those in Jiang Zemin's faction. The concern was simple. If every citizen truly had a vote, could the CCP still hold on to its rule? In the end, Xi Jinping rose to power, embodying Chen Yun's maxim, our children will not dig up the graves of our ancestors. At the CCP's 20th Party Congress in 2022, Wang Yang, once ranked among the top leaders, was forced into a cold retirement, stepping down without any honorary post, while Li Keqiang was even rumored to have died by drowning under suspicious circumstances. After Wang Yang's retirement, party media fell almost completely silent about him, as if he had lost contact with the organization overnight. Many sources claimed that before the 20th Congress, personnel arrangements had been fiercely contested. Xi Jinping initially agreed to let Li Keqiang serve as vice president of China and Wang Yang as premier. But later, he proposed forcing both into outright retirement, paving the way for Hu Chunhua to become premier, a proposal that was approved during the Presidium meeting. Yet by the time of the Congress itself, Hu Jintao discovered that the list had been altered. Hu Chunhua didn't even make it into the Politburo. When Hu Jintao tried to raise the issue, he was abruptly escorted out of the hall. At that time, the military firmly backed Xi as general secretary, ensuring that all his arrangements prevailed. As for leadership style, Xi Jinping and Wang Yang could not be more different. Rumor has it that while serving in Guangdong, Wang Yang engaged in a long-distance debate with then-Chongqing Party Secretary Bo Xilai over whether China should pursue reform or return to a cultural revolution model. At the time, Xi, already a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, sided with Bo. Wang Yang insisted that ideologically he was nothing like Bo. After the 18th Party Congress, observing Xi more closely, Wang concluded that Xi had never truly broken free from the shadow of the cultural revolution. It was for this reason that Wen Jiabao, in his farewell press conference, warned that the tragedy of the cultural revolution might soon repeat itself. After the 19th Party Congress, when Wang Yang joined the Politburo Standing Committee, he interacted more frequently with Xi and found the two utterly incompatible. Any proposal Wang made was immediately rejected by Xi, and Wang in turn opposed several of Xi's initiatives. Candid by nature, Wang came to believe that Xi disliked him even more than Li Keqiang. One particular incident from a Standing Committee meeting later spread online. Xi openly ridiculed him. Wang Yang, what exactly are you good at? You never even attended a proper university. At least I was a worker peasant soldier student at Tsinghua. You just graduated from high school and went straight to work. What education do you have? Wang retorted, Indeed, I don't have much formal education, but at least I didn't fake a PhD. All I know is how to get real work done. Xi said nothing more, abruptly ending the meeting in anger. Can Wang Yang steer a new China? Based on Wang Yang's political outlook, many believe he could push for sweeping reforms to China's political and economic system if he were to take power. Several scenarios could unfold. One promoting press freedom. In December 2005, Wang Yang reached a major turning point in his career when Hu Jintao appointed him party secretary of Chongqing, his first time governing a large region. Though he held the position for less than two years, he again demonstrated his reformist instincts through policies that left a strong impression on the media. For example, upon arriving in Chongqing, Wang spearheaded media reforms, issuing a directive that banned news about party leaders from appearing on the front pages of newspapers, radio, or television. This was the first policy of its kind nationwide, effectively breaking the party's practice of treating the press as a mere mouthpiece and returning it to its role as a source of news. Wang famously remarked, Let readers get used to finding Wang Yang on page two. This stood in stark contrast to his successor, Bo Xilai, who insisted on daily Wang was also the first senior official to openly engage with political questions on the internet. At Chongqing's 2007 Economic Work Conference, he used a laptop during the meeting, publicly shared his personal email to solicit policy feedback, responded to netizens under his own name, and even met with some of them twice. Such actions were almost unheard of among top-level officials at the time. Thus, there is reason to believe that under Wang, ordinary Chinese citizens might have greater access to truthful information. 2. Respect for the people. In 2006, during a drought in Chongqing, Wang visited a farmer's market. When he asked a hot-tempered vegetable seller a question, the man answered while sitting on the ground. One of Wang's aides twice scolded the vendor, saying arrogantly, Hearing this, Wang suddenly grabbed a handful of chili peppers and threw them at his staffer. He then said, To be fair, Wang's words carried a degree of political theater. Yet, even if performative, they reflected his concern for how he appeared in the eyes of ordinary citizens and his effort to show respect toward grassroots people. A more high-profile case came in 2007 with China's most famous nail house. During a demolition and relocation project in Yangjieping, Chongqing, one household refused to accept the offered compensation. Developers dug a giant pit around their home, leaving it perched on an island more than 10 meters above the ground. Still, the family refused to move. The striking image went viral, with netizens calling it the most stubborn nail house in history. The homeowner, Yang Wu, even climbed onto his roof and shouted, The case drew massive sympathy online, with widespread coverage both inside and outside China. Public opinion thrust Wang to the forefront. Rather than censor the media, silence the residents, or order a forced demolition, Wang instructed both sides to The family's demands were eventually met, resolving the issue peacefully, a decision that earned him praise at home and abroad. In December 2007, at age 52, Wang was appointed party secretary of Guangdong. He aimed to clean up the province's notoriously complex political ecosystem, long dominated by the family of revolutionary elder Ye Jianying. Many officials had close ties to the Ye clan, and Shenzhen, China's special economic zone, was also a Jiang Zemin faction stronghold. Governing Guangdong meant confronting entrenched interests on multiple fronts. In 2009, Wang launched a crackdown, dismissing officials one after another to send a strong warning. Of course, Wang's purge of Ye and Jian-linked forces clearly had Hu Jintao's backing and served to clear the way for the Still, it was also, in part, a counterbalance to Bo Xilai's anti-corruption campaign in Chongqing. Before leaving Guangdong on May 9, 2012, Wang made a bold statement, This remark shocked the political world. It overturned the CCP's longstanding propaganda logic, which since 1949 had relentlessly drilled the slogan, Gratitude toward the party had been framed as political correctness. Wang's words directly contradicted that narrative. Though seemingly common sense, they fundamentally challenged decades of propaganda and redefined the relationship between government and people. No senior CCP official had ever spoken so candidly before. For these reasons, many believe Wang Yang, if in power, could push for political reform and perhaps steer China away from the red poison that has lingered for 76 years. It is clear that Xi Jinping, a princeling of the party, rose to the top but has veered ever further leftward, becoming an obstacle that left Wang Yang and Hu Qinhua with no room to act. Yet now, the very man once sidelined is back in political discussion. Why? Because of Xi himself. After a China now needs a moderate leader, one who can ease tensions with the world, earn the trust of officials, and not inspire fear among the public. For many, the reformist faction looks like the most sensible choice. That said, the CCP's political landscape is full of uncontrollable factors. Even Hu Qinhua or Wang Yang can only cross the river by feeling the stones. The true crux of reform lies not in specific policy measures but in whether the party itself can be preserved at all. While abandoning the system may seem daunting, in practice, it may be easier than expected. For by now, everyone, even ordinary citizens, recognizes that its end is not far away. And what do you think? Share your thoughts below. Thank you and see you next time.