Wen and Hu: the real power behind Xi Jinping

Hi everyone. Welcome to Les' Real Talk. Happy weekend. I hope everyone has had a great start of the weekend. So far so good? Okay, excellent. Well, today let's talk about the two men who are driving China into the post-Xi Jinping era. It's very important. So if you ask who's really governing China right now, most people would say Xi Jinping. You know I'd argue otherwise. China's actually governed by four individuals and Xi Jinping is just one of them. The other three are, you know them, Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao and Zhang Youxia. They are calling the shots. Like I said in my program this past Tuesday, June 17th, General Zhang Youxia is the one who dethroned Xi Jinping, but he doesn't set the direction of the country. It is Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, the former CCP leader and his premier, who are now quietly shaping China's future and preparing for the post-Xi Jinping era from behind the scenes. So to understand what's behind the walls of Zhongnanhai and prepare for the political storms ahead, we need to take a closer look at Hu Jintao's instincts, strategy, and quiet return to power, as well as Wen Jiabao's uncanny political longevity. Wen has served four CCP leaders and is still active today. So in anticipating upcoming changes, we need to understand their secret weapons for being called CCP's comeback kids, political comeback kids. For many people, the name Hu Jintao brings back a haunting image. I don't know if, not this one, this one. Remember this picture? It was from October 2022, when the former party leader was being forcefully escorted out of the CCP's party congress in front of the global media. Humiliated in public, he looked weak and irrelevant at that time and has vanished from public view. But now in mid-2025, he's back at China's power center, quietly influencing leadership choices and policy direction. The question is, how did that happen? Has the world underestimated Hu Jintao and overestimated Xi Jinping? So you may say, wait a minute, who hasn't even been seen since that incident? How do we know he's back? Well, good question. He may be invisible, but his influence is unmistakably felt. In the past week alone, two major signals emerged through the sudden reappearance of two junior Hus, his son Hu Haifeng and his prodigy Hu Chunhua. So on June 18th, let me share with you a picture. Where did it go? Oh, here we go. Oh, there we are. Here's his son, Hu Haifeng. And this is the event I want to talk about. This is from, I think, June 18th. It was an event called Lujiazui Forum. It's China's version of Davos. It was held in Shanghai's financial district. It's an annual event. And Hu Haifeng appeared alongside top-level officials. Now, keep in mind, Hu Haifeng is a vice minister in the Ministry of Civil Affairs in charge of children and elderly affairs. So it's a position that has nothing to do with high finance. And Hu had long been suppressed by Xi Jinping, I mean, the junior Hu. And his promotion last year seemed as little more than a conciliatory gesture after Hu Jintao's public humiliation in 2022 and the mysterious death of former Premier Li Keqiang. So why was he on that stage? Well, because Xi Jinping's grip on power is fading, and the return of Hu Haifeng signals a surge in his father's influence. But perhaps the more telling comeback is that of Hu Chunhua, the other junior Hu. I mean, same last name, but he has long been groomed as a future CCP leader, and possibly even Xi Jinping's successor. He was chosen by Hu Jintao as Xi Jinping's successor. But because of that, the junior Hu had been shelved for many years. But since April this year, he suddenly is everywhere. So from April 8th to 17th, he led a high-level delegation to Africa, meeting with presidents and ministers. On April 12th, he chaired a national meeting on development aid to Xinjiang, and the meeting was held at the Central Party School. And on April 18th, he spoke at the China International Talent Exchange Conference. And his official title at the event was listed as CCP Central Committee member, rather than former Vice Premier. And on May 25th, he represented the CCP at the Vietnamese embassy, offering condolences over the death of Vietnam's former president, an unusually high-level diplomatic role. And then state media is now celebrating his past accomplishments in Tibet. So it's a move that feels anything but random. And then there's Xi Jinping himself suddenly adopting Hu Jintao's old slogan, which is this. In a May speech about China's new five-year plan, Xi Jinping emphasized the need for scientific decision-making, democratic decision-making, and rule-based governance. These weren't just empty phrases. They were Hu Jintao's signature lines once heard frequently before Xi Jinping took over and buried them. Now they're making a comeback, and through Xi Jinping's mouth. Isn't that something? So how did Hu Jintao go from being bullied offstage to steering the ship again? Well, some say it's written in the stars, literally. Here we go. Okay, this is now the superstitious part of the talk. Hu Jintao is a Capricorn. And if you've ever read a Chinese astrologer's take on Capricorns, the description fits Hu Jintao perfectly. So this is what they wrote. They say, Capricorns are grounded, steady, and quiet. They come off as distant and rule-following. You might think they're easy to push around, as they are classic introverts. In fact, they're so low-key, and even if you poke fun at them, they probably won't react, making them seem like someone you can easily push around. But you'd be wrong. Beneath that calm surface lies a sharp strategic mind. Capricorns are cold planners. They don't show their hand, and by the time you realize you're in their game, and it's too late. They're not flashy, but can be lethal. Okay, so that is Hu Jintao. Why do I say that? Well, he's long been labeled as the CCP's weakest leader, a placeholder during Jiang Zemin's shadow rule. For years, his orders barely made it past Zhongnanhai. He survived assassination attempts multiple times, allegedly from his rival, the Jiang Zemin faction. And after helping Xi Jinping rise to the top, he was shoved aside, and was forced to watch his allies fall and die. But no one has a better survival instinct than Hu Jintao. Remember July 2023? The internet was flooded with rumors of Hu Jintao's poor health and pending death. I certainly talked about that in my programs. And by August 2023, even Western media outlets were preparing his obituary. And one Chinese political commentator reviewed on X or Twitter at the time, here's the post, saying that more than one Western media outlets approached him with interview requests, as they were preparing Hu Jintao's obituaries. But he didn't die. Over the years, poor health has always been associated with the senior Hu. In hindsight, some now believe that Hu Jintao leaked the rumors himself to fake weakness and survive the storm. Think about it. The rumor, which was July-August of 2023, came just 10 months after his staged removal, and three months before Li Keqiang's death, or mysterious, suspicious death. Looking back, faking illness might have saved his life. Rumors can kill in the case of Li Keqiang, right? Because right before the party congress, there was so much rumor about that Li Keqiang would replace Xi Jinping. I think the rumors were intended to sow discord between Xi Jinping and his premier, Li Keqiang. It inevitably, in my opinion, ended Li Keqiang's life. So rumors can kill, and rumors can also save lives, too. So being the highest-ranking retired CCP leader, Hu Jintao plays an instrumental role in setting the direction for the post-Xi Jinping era. But he still has remained low-key and invisible. Instead, his premier, Wen Jiabao, is more visible. Now, Hu Jintao may be called the most resilient combat kid of CCP politics, but Wen Jiabao is definitely the longest-running political survivor of CCP's brutal system. Now let's talk about Wen Jiabao. Compared to Hu Jintao's covert return to power, Wen's return to limelight was public and unmistakable. Remember at the state banquet celebrating the 75th anniversary of the founding of the PRC? Here's the picture. Wen Jiabao sat right next to Xi Jinping, beaming with big smiles. The two were friendly with each other, and the internet lit up with comments like, Wen Jiabao has returned to politics. Now, we have to know Wen Jiabao served in four leadership eras, from Hu Yaobang, Zhao Ziyang, to Jiang Zemin, and then Hu Jintao. It would be his fifth era if we count this one in. His political longevity is unheard of in the history of CCP's ruthless inner circles. So what made Wen Jiabao so long-lasting in Beijing? Let me tell you a little bit about Wen Jiabao because it's important. I think he's actually playing a bigger role than Hu Jintao right now. So understanding Wen Jiabao is important. He's from Tianjin. He came from an educator's family. Both his parents, I think, are school teachers. And he's at the same age as Hu Jintao. They were born in 1942, so that makes them 82 or 83. Now, whether by coincidence or design, the two men who led China side by side for a decade have overlapping life paths. They both studied at Beijing universities before the Cultural Revolution. And during the crazy days of Cultural Revolution, both were sent down to Gansu province. Hu Jintao joined the Ministry of Water Resources. I think it was one of its hydropower project bureaus. And Wen Jiabao, who studied geological structure at the Beijing Institute of Geology, was sent to work with Gansu Geological Bureau's geomechanics team, where he spent 11 years conducting field exploration. This period of hardship is what Wen later proudly referred to during press conferences, when he said that he worked in geology, and that most of it was spent under extremely difficult and harsh conditions. He said this experience gave him a deep understanding of life's hardships. So let's talk about how he rose to top. It could say that it's a miracle, because I found it to be unbelievable. So in the late 1970s, and due to factional politics, many section level grassroot leaders in the place where he worked were sidelined. And so that opened the door for him, and he was transferred to the headquarters of the local geological bureau to serve as a political officer. And that's where he started his political career. And his leap from a grassroot official in a remote province to the central leadership of China was made possible by one man. His name is Sun Daguang, then Minister of Geology. What am I saying? Geology. Geology. Sorry, not geology. There's no such thing. Okay, so when Minister Sun visited Gansu, Wen Jiabao was sent to receive him. He was the deputy director of the provincial geology bureau, and the minister was seriously impressed by Wen's knowledge, and called him a living map of Gansu. Now, at the time, Deng Xiaoping was looking to develop the next generation of leaders. So he was looking for leaders who were young, politically loyal, well educated, and professionally competent. So Wen Jiabao fit that profile perfectly. And so Minister Sun brought him to Beijing. And in 1982, Wen Jiabao became a member of the leadership team at the Ministry of Geology and Mineral Resources. And he headed its policy and legal affairs research office. Now, you have to remember, 1980s was the most liberal period in modern China under the CCP. It was probably the most promising and liberal era ever existed under the CCP. And then three years later, in 1985, then Party Secretary Hu Yaobang was looking for a secretary and someone who could play the role of a deputy director of CCP's office. Wen was recommended. Now, again, like I said, in the 1980s, Chinese politics were not as corrupt as today. I mean, if that position became open today, you would have all kinds of people lined up with bags of money begging for that position. But in the 1980s, politics were not as corrupt. So Wen Jiabao got the job and was thus thrown into the party's power center. And then just one year into his new post, he became the full director, replaced Wang Zhaoguo as the director of the central office. He became the seventh person to hold that position in the history of PRC. Now, this is a very powerful position. It's the equivalent of the chief of staff to the president in the US. I mean, China's president wasn't the highest ranking official, the party's secretary general was. So the party's secretary general's chief of staff was the equivalent of the chief of staff of the US president. So Wen Jiabao was put in charge of overseeing day-to-day operations at the top of the party. Now, just to tell you how important that role is, his counterpart today is Cai Qi, who is one of the political standing committee members. So you see, in four years, Wen Jiabao went from a local grassroots official, or I shouldn't say grassroots, a local official at the provincial level, provincial bureau level, to become one of the most powerful secretaries in China in four years. Now, unfortunately, soon after that, student protests broke out in China. And in 1987, his boss, Hu Yaobang, was forced to step down because of his liberal worldviews. And during that time, it put a lot of stress on Wen Jiabao because when your boss goes down in the CCP system, the secretary, I mean, his staff, entire staff, goes with him. But somehow, he remained in that position. And so when Hu Yaobang was replaced by Zhao Ziyang, Wen continued to play the role as the director of the CCP's central office. So here's a picture of Zhao Ziyang. And so what people later said, how did he do that? Well, they said that Wen Jiabao remained neutral. He did not cut ties with Hu Yaobang during the time when Hu Yaobang was attacked and sidelined. He didn't cut ties with him, nor did he publicly show support to Hu Yaobang. And that saved him. So then he became Zhao Ziyang's chief of staff. Then came the 1989 Tiananmen Square student movement. At the height of the protests, Wen Jiabao accompanied Zhao Ziyang to Tiananmen Square to visit the hunger-striking students. At the time, Zhao Ziyang sympathized with the students and opposed using force to suppress the movement. For this, he was labeled anti-party. So Zhao Ziyang knew he would soon be removed. Let me share with you this picture. So Zhao Ziyang knew that he would be removed, but he still insisted on going to the square. That's why this picture was taken. At the time, he requested approval from the Central Security Bureau, his secret service, but it was denied. But he went anyway. And who did he bring? He brought his chief of staff, Wen Jiabao. So Wen certainly understood the political risk of standing behind Zhao Ziyang at such a moment. As this picture shows, the man standing right behind Zhao Ziyang is the man holding the loudspeaker talking in the front, and Wen Jiabao stood right behind him. Of course, he understood the political risk. And some people believe that he didn't have to go, but he chose to. So now, this now iconic image of Wen Jiabao standing behind Zhao Ziyang in Tiananmen Square forever sets him apart from today's CCP leaders, because it shows his integrity and loyalty. Now, after the crackdown, Zhao Ziyang was removed and placed under house arrest for the rest of his life. Wen, however, was spared, forgiven by Deng Xiaoping and the party elders. It was a rare exception in CCP politics. And then, even after the June 4 Tiananmen Square massacre, Wen played a crucial role in helping the central government restore stability. So when Jiang Zemin was brought from Shanghai to Beijing to assume leadership to replace Zhao Ziyang, it was Wen Jiabao who welcomed Jiang at the airport and accompanied him to visit party elders. And Jiang Zemin was new to Beijing, he needed a capable and loyal chief of staff, and thus kept Wen. In that capacity, he served three party secretaries, Hu Yaobang, Zhao Ziyang, and Jiang Zemin. And this is unheard of in CCP politics. People say it's due to his diligence and impeccable conduct. Wen Jiabao reportedly worked over 10 hours a day, with hardly any holidays. He showed humility and respect to both superiors and subordinates, and had a precise sense of timing and tone when dealing with people. He never tried to steal the spotlight, never got too close, never had any ambitions or ambition, and always stayed in his lane. So some observers view Wen Jiabao as an anomaly in CCP politics. How could someone survive and thrive through multiple leadership amid ugly political struggles without falling? So according to a senior CCP strategist, they say that Wen Jiabao's secret to advancing into a top leadership role was his lack of factional ties and low-key work style. His success came from avoiding alliances, keeping his head down, staying cautious, and getting things done quietly. So after serving three party secretary generals, he became premier under Hu Jintao. On March 18, 2003, the new premier held his first nationally televised press conference. The long-silent political figure finally opened up, and this is what he said. He said, people generally see me as a gentle person, but I am also someone with conviction, independent thinking, and a strong sense of responsibility. So he broke from the usual scripted style of CCP leaders and began not with policies but with his family background. He talked about his humble roots. He talked about his grandfather, who I think was a school principal, and his parents, who were schoolteachers, and that he came from an ordinary family. So this emotional and personal tone struck a deep chord with the Chinese public. And over the years, many Chinese citizens saw his smile on TV, but what they really remembered were his tears. Now Wen Jiabao cries a lot. All right, so during the SARS outbreak in 2003, when he broke into tears while welcoming the visiting French prime minister, it was extraordinary. It's unthinkable. But it revealed the immense pressure he was under. And then he cried again when visiting the family's victims of mining disasters. And what moved people most was the 2008 Wenchuan earthquakes in Sichuan. He was frequently seen with tear-filled eyes and a trembling voice talking to survivors and their families. And he spoke from his heart. Now, a lot of people dismissed his tears as staged. He was given the nickname of being a great actor. So it depends on how you look at it. The intellectuals call him a great actor for being able to cry in front of cameras. But many ordinary people believe his tears were genuine. They see him as people's premier. Now, like I said, the intellectuals criticized him, or the reform-minded intellectuals criticized him, because they felt that he talked more than he acted. So for example, in 2010, Chinese dissident author Yu Jie published a book titled China's Best Actor, Wen Jiabao, and calling it a rude awakening for anyone still harboring illusions about Wen. And veteran journalist Gao Yu argued that he was just all talk when it comes to reforms. And political commentator Yao Jianfu, who published an article titled Wen Jiabao, a tragic figure who could never accomplish much, he reviewed in a private conversation with Wen Jiabao's former boss, the former General Secretary Zhao Ziyang, the man who was stripped of his power and sent to being watched under house arrest. So Yao Jianfu spoke with Zhao Ziyang, and this is what Zhao said. He said, Wen Jiabao and Hu Jintao, do I have a picture of them? Yeah, here we go. So Zhao Ziyang said, both of these two men, they are both good people, but they will never achieve anything big. So when asked why, and this is what Zhao said, he said, because they were trained by us. When he say us, meaning the party leaders. So that's why not everyone believed in these two, because they were groomed and trained by the very system that is dysfunctional right now. So Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao represent some of the most capable technocrats ever to rise, ever rise to the top of the CCP's political system. However, throughout their careers, they never obtained real power and only operated under the heavy shadow of others. And that's the reason why they could never be successful. And even during their decade in power, holding the top two positions in China, they ruled in the long shadow of and his followers. So their hands were tied. For them, navigating the system safely was a matter of survival, and that mattered more. And they never realized their political aspirations, nor could they have. Now in their 80s, they are party elders, with a final opportunity to make a meaningful impact. I think they have the chance to steer China back onto the right path and do something really meaningful for the people. And this is their last chance. They want to be remembered in history as great leaders. They must side with the people and finally do what's right for their country. So I was asked in my last live stream what I would do if I become a top Chinese leader. I don't think that will ever happen. But if someone asked me what should be done to fundamentally steer China in the right direction, here's what I think. And I'm sure some within China are watching this program. I'm sure the individuals assigned to watch my program as part of their job are taking notes. So we're all assigned, people like me are assigned teams who monitor our voices. So here's my message to them. It's a list of immediate steps to help China return to a better course. So the first is reveal the full truth about the 1989 Tiananmen Square student movement and massacre. The Chinese people deserve to know what really happened. And restore honor for those CCP officials who were persecuted for opposing the crackdowns, such as Zhao Ziyang. And number two is tear down the Great Firewall. Let people access the internet freely and without censorship. Number three is end the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners, underground Christians, the Tibetans, Uyghurs, and others. And release all prisoners of conscience immediately. Number four is institute true freedom of the press. Allow foreign media to operate openly in China. And I'm not just saying the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, or Bloomberg, which are already all present in China anyways. I'm saying inviting the Epoch Times, which has been the most outspoken critic of the CCP. And some of their earliest journalists are locked up in Chinese prisons. So if the Epoch Times is allowed to report in China, that will be a real sign of press freedom there. And number five is revive traditional Chinese culture. Invite Shen Yun to perform in China. No group is more devoted to preserving and restoring China's cultural heritage than them. And their return could help the Chinese rediscover their cultural heritage. Number six is restore religious freedom. This will heal a wounded nation and uplift its spirit. Number seven is open the Chinese economy and allow fair participation in global trade. Number eight is disclose all information related to the origin of COVID-19 and the true number of casualties in China. And number nine is conduct an honest national censors and share the real population data with the world. Not just the Chinese, the world deserves to know. So the above is what I can think of. I'm sure there are more. The window is closing. Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao may not get another chance. For decades, they endured a brutal system that forced them to compromise, retreat, be quiet, and to survive. But now they have a rare freedom to act without fear and speak without orders. So I think the time has come to redeem their legacy, right? Not through slogans or through silence, but through action, through courage, and through truth. So if they choose to stand with the people, they will rewrite their placing history. I think that's what they need to do. I hope this is helpful. I feel very good about doing this program because I'm sure people in China are watching. So it's important that we get our message across. All right, that's all. Do I have another slide to share? No, that's it. Okay, where's everyone? All right, where's everyone? Okay. All right. Oh, here's one. William Thompson. Why are the CCP still using the old trade tactics of stalling double talk and word salad if Xi is no longer in power? Oh, they need to do that because they're not ready. They're still fighting with each other on the succession team. They're still not 100% sure who's going to take over. And they haven't come to full agreement on what to do with Xi Jinping. So on one hand, they want to get rid of Xi. On the other hand, they want to save the regime. And that's two conflicting objectives. Because I think right now, I think the succession team, who's going to replace Xi Jinping, who they're going to put in place to replace Xi Jinping is already decided. But what they're going to do with Xi Jinping is not decided. I think that's tricky. Some people are calling for, for example, the full investigation into the death of Li Keqiang. If that's going to happen, Xi Jinping cannot step down gracefully. He has to be held accountable for whatever happened to Li Keqiang. So how are they going to deal with that? So they're divided. So not until they resolve how they're going to handle Xi Jinping, it's difficult for them to make an announcement. But then trying to save Xi Jinping's face is actually very counterproductive at this point. Because trying to save Xi Jinping's face is almost the same as trying to save the regime. And that's just very difficult. I talked about that in my last program. There are two contradictions. Because if you try to save the regime, then you need to save Xi Jinping's face. But that inevitably empowers Xi Jinping. So then you can never remove him. So you either remove Xi Jinping immediately and not save his face, but the regime may collapse. So I think that they have no way out. The only way is to just end the CCP. This regime cannot be saved. So I think that's what they're trying to figure out at this moment. Yeah, it's very struggling for them. Wiklunda, in your opinion, is the sidelining of President Xi a good thing for the US or could it be potentially worse? I think it's a good thing. I think, well, I think it's a good thing as long as there are fundamental changes made in China in the post-Xi Jinping era. If there are no major changes, and if they just get rid of Xi Jinping and put in someone else, it could be worse. But I don't think the Chinese people or even grassroots officials can accept another Wang Jinping or Zhang Jinping to take over without announcing major reforms because people have had enough. So to answer your question, yes, it could be worse. But I don't think the Chinese people will give the CCP a chance to do that. I think there has to be changes or the regime will collapse. All right. Rod Dobson, will he leave office by the end of the year, in your opinion? I think he will. I think the chances for him to leave office by the end of the year is greater than the chance he does not. Yeah, there's a much bigger chance. Thank you. All right, let's see. All right. Oh, here's a question from Free Roamer. Lei, could you give us your opinion about whether these new leaders will lead the country to a less oppressive regime than Xi? Generally speaking, I think they are more open-minded and less repressive, but that doesn't necessarily make them any better because as long as they want to save the communist regime, then they are no different than Xi Jinping. Because when Xi first came to power, people perceived him as less repressive. People perceived him as better than Hu Jintao. People welcomed his government. But look what happened. Xi Jinping really wanted to save the regime. That's his goal. So as long as the next leader or these two still want to save the regime, then they're not any better than the current one. Okay. All right. Okay. Wick Lunda, again, can you comment on what is going on in Chinese government in light of the Iran nuclear strikes tonight? The Chinese government, the official stance that Beijing has taken is really quite soft. We haven't heard any real strong rhetorics coming from Beijing. Now, let's talk about rumors. What I heard were people saying that Xi Jinping really wanted to support Iran. He really wants to. He's even under the impression that this is the perfect timing to start a war in Taiwan. I talked about that in my last live stream. I think Zhang Youxia told him straight that he's crazy, that he's a lunatic. But Xi Jinping believes that this is a good timing to start a war with Taiwan, and China should support Iran. But Zhang Youxia disagrees with him. So that's what I heard today. Simon Robinson. Thank you, Simon. Okay. Random questions I'm picking. Do I see one? Nothing. Okay. No questions. No questions. Lei is powerful. Am I? Norbert Claus. When, how do you think a transfer will happen? People all say, almost everyone is saying that at the plenum, sometime during the summer, some kind of transition will take place. Now, as far as whether Xi Jinping will step down completely or still hold on a ceremonial title, that's uncertain. But he will definitely relieve some of his responsibilities during the summer, during the summer months. But that's according to everything that we've heard and seen. But we don't know. And they say that they're moving up the Beidaihe summer retreat earlier, so that they could gather amongst themselves and talk about that before the fourth plenum. So that's what we heard. Okay. Dee Glass. I hear about domestic terrorism, tofu-dragged buildings, fake food, and low birth rate. At which point will China rebel? Is the patience of the Chinese people going to last forever? No, it's not going to last forever. China's infrastructure, China prided itself in the massive infrastructure projects. But now these signs of stress have shown these infrastructure projects like the roads, the highways, and bridges. Some of them have shown cracks and some have collapsed. And some buildings are showing those signs as well. So it's not good. It's not good. I just think a low birth rate. Yeah. And it's not just low birth rate. The marriage rate is also very low. Divorce rate is very high. And the Chinese government has made divorce very difficult. You have to get a lottery number. You have to go first get a number. And then there are long lines of people waiting just to get a number so that you can apply for a divorce. And once you get a number, you have to win a lottery. If you don't win the lottery, you cannot get a divorce. So the government is making divorce very difficult. And then people are not getting married. And especially in large cities, I think they call that in the marriage market. Okay. This expression only exists in China. You wouldn't call marriage a market unless you're talking about the bridal market, the wedding market. But in China, there's a term. It's called marriage market. They treat that as a market, as a demand and supply. So they say in the marriage market in large cities, the ratio between women and men looking for a spouse is 20 to 1, meaning that there are 20 women for every man. But we know China has more men than women. So as far as how this happened, it was because a large number of men are not interested in getting married at all. They're not even looking. I made a video in Lace Looking Glass talking about why men aren't interested in relationship or marriage. So women now cannot find a man in China. And they say it's 20 to 1. Yeah. So that's why the birth rate is very low. Scary. Don Porter. Thank you, Don. Thank you. All right. Here's a question by Chris from John R. Love your show. Great analysis and insight behind the power struggle. Thank you. From Free Roamer. Lei, could you give us your opinion about whether these new leaders will lead the country to a less oppressive regime? I already answered that. From We Bade. Have you heard about BYD slave labor in Brazil? Yes, I have. Actually, I was ready to do a follow up program on BYD because I saw some financial numbers on BYD and I thought it's very interesting and it really shows the magnitude of its financial problem. But I don't know if it's too much to do two programs on BYD. Maybe I'll do it. Yeah, BYD is not it's not looking good. It's not looking good. Okay. All right. Here's a question from Curtis W. Lee Senior. Do you think Yang will open and reestablish the middle class? I followed China for years since Nixon. Yang. Who do you mean by Yang? Yan. I'm not quite sure. I'm not quite sure who you mean by Yan. Here's Sorong. Do you think the CCP would choose the Vietnamese model for reforms or will they try to make their own model? They try to copy the Vietnamese model by diversifying the leadership roles. In Vietnam, there are four leaders at the top. China may have three. They may have a party, a head of the party, the head of the government, which is the premier, and a head of the military. The president of China, that role is not important. It could be held by the party head. So yeah, they're copying that model. They definitely are. Okay. All right. Let's see. There are a lot of comments. Oh, here's one. Marcus Garcia. What book on your shelf should everyone read? Oh, you don't know what book on my shelf I'm reading. I'm reading an English book. It's a book about English phrases. You don't want to read that book. You don't need that book. I have this book from years ago that I bought that teaches English. I never read it, but I was just reading it the other day, and it's quite interesting. It's on my book. It's on my nightstand. Other books? Do we still read books nowadays? I need to think about it. Michael M. Well, thank you, Michael. I really appreciate all your hard work, the range of topics, and the nuanced style of your analysis. Thank you. Well, thank you, Michael M. I appreciate that. All right. Here's Bisun B. Lei, I love what you do, but aren't afraid of China underground police? Is there a China underground police in America? Yeah, there are underground police in America. Am I afraid? Of course, there are times I think about that, but like I said, fear is a self-inflicted wound, and you just cannot let that affect you. I have made my life very simple. When you're focused, when you're dead focused on what you do, you don't fear anything. It's only when you are distracted, and you want this, you want that, then fear will set in. Yeah. I fight off any fear, any concerns by being very focused. Because when you're focused, when you are totally absorbed into something, you don't think about anything else. All right. All right. Let's see. Here's one from Ryan Osaurus. Am I saying it right? Lei, you give me hope about China. I pray you are right about what you say is happening there. It is right. Trust me. The details may not pan out the way I described, because there's so many uncertainties, and things are still moving as we speak. But Xi Jinping is definitely on his way out. He has already lost power. They're keeping him as a figurehead while they figure out what to do, what to do with him, what to do with the party, what to do with the regime, and all the problems. They're trying to figure that out. But he is no longer the same person that you saw in October 2023, when he removed Hu Jintao from the stage. Okay. All right. Let's see. Okay. I think I reached. Okay. Hiram May Isery. I don't know. Am I pronouncing it right? I appreciate your efforts for giving us so much data about men in China. I'm a nationalist from India. How to get rid of this Communist Party of China? How to get rid of this? Good question. By telling people what they have done, because we can't resort to violence or dramatic means. I think knowledge is power. Information is power. So we just have to let people know what they have done, and what they are really all about. And we just need to tell people. Once people know, they will naturally reject CCP. When everyone in the world rejects CCP, then they won't exist. Right? It's only when people think they're good, or they're still somewhat good, then they find a place in people's heart. Okay. I think I see. Did I see something? Oh, here's Crunch the Grace Hopper. I think it's Donald J. Trump just announced total destruction of Iran's nuclear weapon capability. Will the CCP take heed and be less aggressive? I think CCP is scared. They're watching how the US deals with Iran. And I think this sends a stern warning to those hardliners within the CCP. Because if there's any leniencies, then I think CCP is watching because what happens to Iran will quickly happen to the CCP. It's almost like a dress rehearsal for them, don't you think? I think so. I mean, look what happened in Syria, and then now Iran. So maybe the next is Russia. So I think they're concerned. Okay. That's all. I reached the end. And I thank you for joining me. It's very warm here. I need to go take a break and have a sip of water. I thank you for joining me. Oh, here's a question from War and Peaches. If the street of Hamas gets closed, China's oil is threatened overnight. 90% of Iran's oil gets exported to China at a price that's below international price. So that's a serious threat. I mean, China's cost on oil imports will dramatically go up. That's the direct economic impact to China. All right. That's all for tonight. I thank you very much for joining. Enjoy the rest of your weekend. I'll see you next Tuesday. Bye-bye. Someone said thought 70%. I thought 90%. I think it's 90%.