Xi Slammed by Xinhua, Putin Saw It Coming—Zhang Youxia Tightens the Trap

China Insider
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817 Video Views·Jun 14, 2025
On the evening of June 6th, 2025, starting at 7pm, the cold air tightened around the
six rings of Beijing. Soldiers flooded the streets, sealing off every intersection around
Diaoyu Island and Zhongnanhai, their guns loaded and ready. News buzzed through the
capital's parties. Zhang Youxia was taking action again. Dressed in military uniform,
with a pistol at his side, the 75-year-old general was personally patrolling, his steps
As vice chairman of the Central Military Commission and a descendant of the second
generation of revolutionaries, Zhang Youxia had once been a trusted ally of the Chinese
Communist Party's top echelons. Now, he was the king of the barrel, holding military power
and becoming the shadow that kept Xi Jinping in check. This story of power didn't begin that
night. It was rooted in deep schemes and long-standing grudges that spanned decades.
But how did this elderly general manage to reach this position? What is Xi Jinping's fate now,
with his health declining and his power crumbling? And could the mysterious death of Xu Qiliang,
Xi's right-hand man, be the death knell for his regime? Let's explore all this in today's
program. Zhang Youxia, from the red second generation to the king of the barrel. Zhang
Youxia is not a stranger in China's elite circles. As the son of Zhang Zongxun, an elder of the
Communist Party, who was pushed out of politics by Deng Xiaoping, Zhang Youxia carries the
revolutionary bloodline of the red second generation. In 1978, after Deng Xiaoping seized
power from Hua Guofeng, he launched a large-scale purge in the military to consolidate his authority.
A prominent victim was Zhang Zongxun, who had once been loyal to Lin Biao and later allied with the
Gang of Four. When the Gang of Four fell, Deng Xiaoping coldly told Zhang Zongxun,
you're sick, go home and rest. Zhang Zongxun protested, I'm not sick. But Deng replied,
no, you are sick. Realizing this was a political sentence, Zhang Zongxun silently withdrew,
retreating to live in seclusion for 20 years until his death in 1998.
During the tumultuous years of reform and opening up, he advised his son, Zhang Youxia,
to maintain a low profile and avoid the traps of politics. However, Zhang Youxia chose a different
path. Unlike many heirs of the red second generation who relied on family legacy,
he joined the military, rising from the lowest ranks through merit. In 1984, he received the
first class medal, a rare honor in the PLA, marking his entry into the military elite.
Meanwhile, after removing Zhang Zongxun, Deng needed a trustworthy successor to lead the
who began modernizing the military by transitioning it from a revolutionary force
to a professional one. Although Zhang Youxia wasn't part of this group, the reform context
helped shape his path, where his talent and patience allowed him to rise above his father's
shadow. By 2012, Zhang Youxia became director of the Equipment Development Department,
overseeing weapons research and development, especially the 2nd Artillery Corps, China's
missile force. This position granted him power and a loyal network within the military,
from senior generals to ambitious officers. However, this was also where tensions with
Xu Qiliang and Xi Jinping began. In 2015, when Xi launched a military reform, Xu Qiliang,
then vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, was tasked with reorganizing the
2nd Artillery Corps into the rocket force. This move was not only meant to modernize the military
but also to eliminate the independence of this force, which had been seen as Zhang Youxia's
private kingdom. This marked the beginning of a rift that could not be repaired. Yet,
Zhang Youxia was not easily defeated. Using his battlefield experience and political savvy,
he quietly strengthened his position. In 2017, at the 19th Party Congress, he was appointed vice
chairman of the Central Military Commission, seemingly balancing power with Xu Qiliang.
However, Xi cunningly set up the two generals to restrain each other, preventing either from
gaining an advantage. What Xi didn't foresee was that, as his health declined and his inner circle
crumbled, Zhang Youxia would emerge as the final power player in the game. Xu Qiliang,
the death of a loyal servant. On June 2, 2025, Xinhua News briefly reported,
Xu Qiliang, former vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, passed away from a heart
attack at the age of 75. But in Chinese politics, no death is truly coincidental,
especially when the deceased was one of the pillars of the regime. Xu Qiliang was no ordinary
official. From a farmer's son in Shandong, he rose to become the vice chairman of the Central
Military Commission, a remarkable achievement in the Chinese Communist Party, where bloodlines and
connections often determine everything. Xu's rise was closely linked to two key figures,
Zhang Zhen and Hu Jintao. According to Abaluowam, in 1984, as a young pilot, Xu impressed Zhang
Zhen with his excellent flying skills and tact. Zhang treated him like a son and paved the way
for Xu to enter the higher echelons of power. In 2007, during a joint military exercise between
China and Russia, Xu further earned Hu Jintao's favor. Hu was deeply impressed and later promoted
him to senior positions within the Central Military Commission, gradually opening doors
for him in the military. Before the 18th Party Congress, to ensure Xi Jinping's smooth succession,
Hu Jintao expedited the process and quickly added Xu Qiliang to the Central Military Commission,
leading to the unusual situation of five vice chairmen of the Central Military Commission,
Xi Jinping, Guo Baxiang, Xu Kaihou, Fan Chenguang, and Xu Qiliang. When Xi Jinping took power in 2012,
still unfamiliar with the military's personnel network, the task of purging and reorganizing
the military was largely entrusted to Xu Qiliang. According to American journalist Bill Gertz,
the relationship between Xi Jinping and Xu Qiliang was so close that it showed Xu's deep
dependence on Xu Xu. With an extensive intelligence network, Xu helped Xi eliminate
military generals loyal to Jiang Zemin's faction, solidifying Xi's control within the military.
However, Xu's loyalty became a double-edged sword. When the reorganization of the rocket
force clashed with Jiang Yuxia's interests, Xu became a target for revenge. Despite being
officially reported as dying from heart disease, Xu's death in 2025 raised many suspicions.
Some sources suggest that the immense psychological pressure from the power
struggles in the military, especially the counter-attack by Jiang Yuxia,
may have played a role in his demise. Another unconfirmed theory is that Xu might have been
purged to clear the way for Jiang to consolidate power. Regardless of the truth, Xu's death marked
the complete collapse of Xi Jinping's inner circle within the military. Another vice chairman of the
military commission, He Weidong, also disappeared in April 2025, not attending Xu's funeral or even
sending a wreath—clear signs that Xi's faction had lost control.
For over a decade, Xi Jinping was seen as China's most powerful leader since Mao Zedong.
Through his anti-corruption campaign, military reforms, and the Chinese Dream strategy,
he concentrated power in his hands, removing term limits to secure his position as a lifelong leader.
However, by 2025, that picture had begun to change. Rumors of his declining health,
ranging from a stroke in late 2024 to multiple hospital visits in May and June 2025,
seemed to shatter the image of the Baozi who once boasted about his strength,
claiming he could carry 200 kilograms of rice and walk 20 miles in the mountains.
According to an internal report from Russia's Foreign Intelligence Service on June 9th,
Xi suffered a stroke between May 25th and 26th, and had two more health incidents in the first
week of June. The report also noted that several senior leaders within the Chinese Communist Party
had reached a consensus to remove Xi, though his inner circle was fiercely resisting. The Kremlin,
staying on high alert, received instructions from Putin to closely monitor developments in Beijing.
Indeed, since late May, Xi Jinping had continuously disappeared, avoiding public
appearances unless absolutely necessary, such as during a meeting with Belarusian President
Lukashenko. The brief, hastily edited video clips showing his appearances could not hide the reality.
He was in severe physical decline. Internal assessments from his doctors indicated that
if he continued to attend meetings, he might collapse on the spot. Thus, the issue was no
longer whether he would step down, but rather that even if he did, he could only lie down.
Xi's weakening was not just physical, it was political as well. The military, once his
strongest pillar, had fallen into Zhang Yuxia's hands. According to Zhang Feng, on the night of
June 6th, when Zhang patrolled Beijing with live ammunition, it wasn't just a drill, it was a
declaration. Power now belongs to me. Even Xinhua News, the mouthpiece of the CCP, began to shift.
On June 6th, a quiet article appeared in the political section, titled,
Superficial Surveys Don't Solve Real Problems. At first glance, it seemed like a familiar
critique of bureaucracy promoting practicality. But halfway through, it became clear this wasn't
criticism, but a direct attack on Xi's credibility. The article listed the most glaring, show-off
diseases in China today. Some officials travel with a whole motorcade, hold meetings in large
rooms, and read from prepared scripts. Some only stand by the glass, looking through it vaguely,
conducting surveys like they're just taking a scenic ride on horseback.
Less show, more genuine effort. Being humble like elementary school students is what truly matters.
Who shuts down entire cities when going out? Who reads from a script during meetings? Who
dares not enter a hospital? The answers are clear. Remember the time Xi visited Wuhan,
never stepping out of the car, connecting via video to inspect the hospital?
Recall when he met Hong Kong's chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, holding a script, reading the
entire time, with no real interaction. Before going abroad, he ordered streets to be cleared
and bridges to be blocked. When surveying facilities, he was like a tourist on horseback,
with crowds trained the night before to clap. This wasn't just criticism. It was a signal that
propaganda machine was preparing for a transfer of power. In this context, Xi Jinping seemed to
have realized his fate. Sources close to him revealed that he wrote a will, sent through
his secretaries to the Politburo, with two main requests. One was for the party to treat the Xi
family kindly. The Xi family's reversal isn't easy. I hope the party, the military, and the
people will treat us well, he seemingly pleaded for his descendants' future. Xi understood the
Despite leaving nearly 200 million yuan in royalties, Jiang Qing was sentenced to death,
Mao Yuanqing was prosecuted, and Mao's daughter had to buy vegetables in the market.
The fear of a similar fate haunted Xi, forcing him to prepare for the worst. Xi Jinping's future
now hangs in the balance. His likelihood of voluntarily resigning is low. Having built his
image as the supreme leader, stepping down would be seen as an admission of failure.
But his declining health might force him to leave, with the official reason being
personal reasons or lack of ability to govern. Regardless, Xi's reign is nearing its end,
and his successor, or more accurately, the person holding real power, has already emerged.
Jiang Youxia, the New Deng Xiaoping, or the Gatekeeper
Jiang Youxia is now regarded as the New Deng Xiaoping, a title that both honors him and
carries risks. With his control over the military and the weakening of his rivals,
he is emerging as a shadow emperor behind the scenes.
An internal list circulating within the Chinese Communist Party proposes Wang Yang as General
Secretary, Hu Chunhua as Premier, and Jiang Youxia as Chairman of the Central Military
Commission for the next five years. However, this is not a balanced power trio, but a structure
where Jiang Youxia holds supreme power. Yet, Jiang's power also comes with risks. He may
control the military, but he cannot unify the provinces. Shanghai, Guangdong, and other regions
have begun to act independently, challenging central authority. If Jiang fails to build a
sustainable governance system, he will become merely the gatekeeper, someone who prevents
immediate collapse but cannot save a regime that is fracturing.
The Crack in an Empire
In the spring of 2025, the CCP stands at a historical crossroads. The departure of Xi Jinping,
the death of Xu Qilin, and the rise of Jiang Youxia are not isolated events, but signs of a
regime in decay. History doesn't repeat itself exactly, but it always offers lessons. China,
with its 1.4 billion people and complex political system, faces an uncertain future. No matter how
powerful Jiang Youxia becomes, he is just another player in the power struggle. He may seize control
of the military, but can he win the people's loyalty? As local power brokers begin to ask,
why obey the central government? The cracks in the empire will continue to widen.
This story isn't just about power. It's about the cost of ambition and the sacrifices of figures
like Xu Qilin who staked their lives on a system that ultimately betrayed them. History is being
written, not in textbooks, but in the dark nights of Xiongnanhai. And we, the witnesses, can only
wait to see the next chapter unfold, a story of power and the fall of a dynasty. What do you think
about Jiang Youxia's current power? Leave your comments below. Thank you, and we'll see you next
time.
