字幕組作品 維也納體系：1848年歐洲革命 雙語@有勇有謀字幕組 Epic History TV

1848年 三十年後的他的敗亡 Napoleon Bonaparte和法國大革命的陰影 仍然隱藏在歐洲 1815年的和平協議 是反對派的勝利 歐洲的偉大力量 英國、法國、澳大利亞、俄羅斯和俄羅斯 共同努力確保不再有再次大革命 極端主義和民主主義 再也無法妨礙歐洲和平 澳大利亞總統克里斯蒙茲·麥特尼克 被視為這個新的民主制度的建築師 有些歷史家稱之為麥特尼克制度 然而 歐洲有許多人 他們認為法國革命的理念 不僅是一個噩夢 而是一個靈感 自由主義者 尋求個人自由和公民權利 例如法律的平等 保護法律 自由媒體 和普通選舉 民主派人士 共同努力 在意圖在意大利和德國 為民主統一 或在多族歐洲帝國 尋求更高的認同 自由和言語尊重 澳洲繼續尋求 獨立的澳洲 並於1830年 發動一場血腥的 反對俄羅斯事件 他們的原因 被歐洲的自由主義者支持 在大多數國家 自由主義者和民主主義者 面臨虐待法律 被祕密警察拘捕 在法國 私人晚會 變成政治大會 在意大利 科學社會討論政治 而運動員 在德國 這些自由主義者 受中立派的統治 他們的本地和國際議題 但也有許多 共同的價值和目標 他們熱情 集體 等待他們的機會 但不只是 中等人士 想要改變 1848年 上升的人口和食物價格 造成了飢餓 貧困和社會混亂 在歐洲 低薪和飢餓 引領農民到城市 在增加的數字 他們成為廉價的工人 他們利用工人工時 來支撐經濟 他們生活在混凝土 他們工作長時間 在脆弱的環境下 如果他們能找到工作 暴力反抗 從工人到農民 正在發生 種植失敗 雞蛋腐敗 令生活變差 在愛爾蘭 飢餓 歐洲政府對改革的期望或支持並不大 當法國總統弗朗斯·基佐 被挑戰只有法國最富裕的一半 才能在法國投票 他只會回覆 充滿富裕 1847-1848年冬天 經濟下滑 幾千人失去工作 改革的情況越來越緊急 但歐洲政府卻無法行動 這就是歐洲革命的階段 1848-1849年 歐洲面臨思想危機 支持自由主義 國家主義 社會主義 和皇帝主義 都在爲他們的目標而努力 結果是一波血腥的革命 1789年法國革命 給歐洲人建立了 在歐洲政治生涯中 1815年 歐洲的偉大政權 重新組織了 約翰遜大會 目標是恢復 早期的革命主義 與1789年的邪惡 但1848-1849年 一系列的國家主義革命 傳遍了整個國際 嚴肅的工作人員和自由民主的民衆 在法國 意大利 澳大利亞 德國 和其他地區 在1789年 從未見過 先說法國 1789年 國家主義的出生地 法國迴歸了 1814年 1830年又出現了另一場革命 新的皇帝登上了皇帝的位置 元帝 被稱爲 公民皇帝 但他掌握了 貴族工程師 和資本家的影響 國家的政治生涯 被隔離 奧林匹克和 法治派 支持了競爭的皇家 還有強大的 共和黨和社會主義派 1848年1月 政治家Alexis de Tocqueville 感覺到 革命正在來臨 看看在工作人員當中 你看到他們的政治熱情 變得社會化了嗎 他們不僅想要 改變法律或政府 而是社會 本身 1848年2月 某些法國公民 反對了他們的公民皇帝 而反革命又爆發了 反革命運動 最初是由中等 和社會主義派 從1789年 看待自由、平等 和兄弟的價值 他們超越了Louis-Philippe 建立了第二國 並開始推出 像是工作權和 剝奪奴役的政策 但在幾個月內 自由派、社會主義派 和工作人員的聯盟崩潰 bourgeois主義政府 變得更加民主 而反對派的激烈反對 令人感到震驚 工作人員的飢餓 由於政府禁止了 他們的工作計劃 在6月份 大規模的暴亂 開始在巴黎 超過50,000個工作人員 在兩天內 什麼人們稱爲 法國戰爭 法官殺毀了暴亂 數千個工作人員 被街上的人殺 所以法國仍然是一個國家 但現在被 保守主義派 高級的bourgeois 組織組織 組織 這使社會主義者 如彼爾·託瑞斯·普瑞頓 整個郊區 背叛了我們 整個郊區 背叛了我們 12月1848年 路易·納波利安·波納帕特 被選爲領導人 以支持法國 他是傳奇的 納波利安第一的兒子 他並不是民主黨 他辭職之前 1851年 他發動了一場血腥的暴亂 他承認 他拯救了法國 他成爲了生命的首爾總統 他在明年 升任皇帝 法國人 在1848年 建立了一個民主國家 只爲1852年 但1848年2月 但1848年3月 1848年3月 1845年 1860年 但維也納國會的偉大權力會讓他們失望 不會有一個統一的德國 德國國會將保持獨立 並與聯邦聯盟結盟 國會決定將德國國會組成一個鬆散的聯邦 以取代1806年解散的聖羅門帝國 德國聯邦正式成立於1815年 其38位成立成員的部分 代表了非德國國家 例如 德國和荷蘭帝國 都擁有在聯邦聯盟中的虛擬財產 由於維也納國會創立了聯邦 歐洲的偉大權力自願承擔 澳大利亞、俄羅斯、俄羅斯和大英國 都認為他們有權參與聯邦的內部事務 他們也有意圖掌握聯邦 聯邦的多個主權體 都反映了它們的複雜性 但澳洲明顯是主權 似乎1815年 德國問題已經解決了 由維也納國會創立的聯邦 但德國國家主義 並沒有默默地進入當晚 盡管或許因為 德國聯邦創立 法國革命的構思 是在德國的土地下生活 民主派和民主黨 都參與了他們的要求和自由 學生聯邦 叫做Burschenschaften 也扮演了主要的角色 1815年 第一支聯邦 是為了承擔文化責任 以榮譽、自由和父國的價值 他們以黑、紅和金為顏色 以德國革命戰爭 對抗第一次的 這些顏色會成為 德國民主運動的象徵 1817年 這些學生聯邦 舉辦了一場 維也納國慶典 紀念馬丁·路德的 95個學歷 聯邦甚至來自 其他德國國家 發表和聽聽政治演講 但是 德國聯邦的 民主主義組織 視學生聯邦 為一個威脅 更加激烈的民主派激烈 包括反 Jewish Hep Hep 暴亂 導致了1819年的 民主派學生聯邦 被帶到地下 但仍然保持在 健身或唱歌俱樂部 民主派和 德國政府的爭議 在1830年 又發生了 另一個成功的 法國大革命 1832年 失望的 德國國家的 被其他國家的 舉辦了 在漢堡的 這是當時 最大的 政治大遊行 當時的 反應 是大規模的 拘捕和虐待 大規模的拘捕 直到1848年 當時爆發了 再次受到啟發 是在巴黎的活動 大革命的 民主派 大革命 在幾個星期內 整個德國聯邦 發生了暴亂 在柏林 街頭鬥爭 反革命派和政府隊伍 有270人死亡 法國皇帝 弗裏德里克·威廉第四 甚至被迫 向犯人道歉 反革命派 也被迫 讓他們的領導人 安排自由政府 並允許 一場共同選舉的 國會議員會 在5月份 在法國的 帕羅斯教堂 開幕會議 這顯然 德國和平 可能已經 在1848年 國會議員 的手中 但他們 不尊重 法國皇帝 法國國會議員 應該準備 一個 德國帝國 但問題 很快就出現了 國會議員 同意了 學生的原則 但不是 他們的實際意義 有些人 是左派的民主派 有些人是 極端的民主派 還有一些人 是民主派和 共和黨派 而他們 全都是 中級和高級 民主派 沒有農民 沒有工程師 也沒有工匠 談判 關於一個 德國帝國 持續了 四個月 最後 在1849年 國會議員 採取了 普魯士教的 憲法 預設了 一個 所謂的 小德國解決方案 這意味著 澳洲會被 剝奪 新帝國 國會議員 給了 普魯士帝王 弗裏德·威廉第四 皇位 但帝王 拒絕了 他不會 接受 不尊的皇帝 正如他在 1848年 的信中 每個 德國的 領袖 戴著 領袖 是 百分之百 不尊 地 接受 這樣的 領袖 造成 革命 侮辱 和 高層 侮辱 和 高層 的 高層 領袖 是 由 沒有 的 佛羅裏達王子 我自己 和 我們的 種族 所有的 德國國家 主權者 都砸下來 為了 保持 他自己 在上 其他人 在下 弗裏德·威廉 總結了 俄羅斯的 方向 Gegen Demokraten helfen nur Soldaten. Against Democrats, the only solution is soldiers. He even had Saxon revolutionaries shot, who wanted him as their emperor, and there was civil war in Baden. The National Assembly went into hiding, but was dissolved by force, and by July 1849, the German Revolution was over. The revolutions of 1848 in France and the German Confederation started quite differently, but in the end, neither was able to establish a lasting democracy. France became an empire, and there was still no liberal German nation-state. German revolutionaries who weren't in prison emigrated to the United States, or gave up on revolution as a means to achieve their goals. The German Confederation was re-established, and German unity would not come until much more blood had been spilled on the battlefields of the German wars of unification, which culminated with the Franco-Prussian War. In southern Italy, the kingdom of the two Sicilies is ruled by Spanish Bourbon king Ferdinand II. His disastrous agrarian reforms have united Sicilian landowners and peasants against him. His kingdom will witness 1848's First Revolution. In Sicily, furious crowds chase Bourbon troops out of Palermo, and the island declares independence, readopting its liberal constitution of 1812. Revolutionary fervour spreads to the mainland. Mass rallies in Naples force King Ferdinand to issue his own constitution. In Piedmont, Sardinia, the threat of revolution persuades King Carlo Alberto to grant a constitution, and there are celebrations in the streets of Turin. Across the border, in Austrian-ruled Lombardy-Venetia, Italian nationalists revolt in Milan and Venice, and drive out the Austrian garrisons. But as dramatic as these events are, they're about to be eclipsed by news from Paris. Since France's 1830 July Revolution, the country has been ruled by Louis-Philippe, the so-called Citizen-King. He's a more moderate figure than his Bourbon predecessor, Charles X, but he opposes further reform, despite the growing economic crisis. His Prime Minister, François Guizot, is hated. When he bans the banquets that are really opposition rallies, angry crowds march through Paris, chanting, 'Down with Guizot! Long live reform!' Guizot resigns. But it is not enough. Nervous troops fire on the crowds. 52 civilians are killed. Louis-Philippe loses control of the capital, and as the mob advances on the Tuileries Palace, he abdicates and flees to England. A new provisional government is formed, and from the Hôtel de Ville, new Foreign Minister, Alphonse de Lamartine, announces, 'The Republic has been proclaimed.' France's monarchy has fallen in just three days. The news is carried across Europe by the new telegraph system. The effect is electrifying. 75-year-old Austrian Chancellor, Prince Metternich, is among the first to be informed of the revolution in Paris. His police chief assures him there's no chance of such a thing happening in Vienna. But on 13th March, around 4,000 students, inspired by the news from Paris, march on the Landhaus, the assembly building, and force their way in. There's a confrontation with troops who open fire and kill four. Vienna's workers side with the students. Much of the crowd's hostility is directed at Metternich. When the State Council suggests he resign, Metternich meekly agrees, and heads into exile in England. One of the most extraordinary political careers in Europe's history, spanning 40 years, comes to an end. Emperor Ferdinand suffers from epilepsy and a speech impediment, and is a largely passive figure. But when his council announces there will be elections for an assembly that will draft a constitution, crowds cheer him in the street. The secret police disappear. Censorship is ignored. The people of Vienna celebrate. Nationalists within the Austrian Empire are also inspired by events. In the Hungarian parliament, politician Lajos Kossuth makes a fiery speech, denouncing Habsburg absolutism as the pestilential air which dulls our nerves and paralyzes our spirit. His speech is printed and circulated widely, inspiring others across the empire. Hungarians launch their own revolution, with 12 demands that include greater autonomy, a free press, and parliamentary reform. Czech liberals in Prague form a national committee, and also send their demands to Vienna. There is even a Romanian nationalist uprising in the Ottoman province of Wallachia, forcing the abdication of the local prince. Across the smaller states of Germany, rulers face popular demands for reform. Most quickly grant concessions to avoid losing their thrones. The black, red and gold tricolour, symbol of a united Germany, is prominent among the crowds. Germany's first ever National Assembly meets in Frankfurt, with elected delegates from across Germany. They debate how they will achieve the liberal dream of a unified Germany, and begin drafting its national constitution. In the Prussian capital, Berlin, students and liberals are thrilled by developments, and celebrate Metternich's fall. King Frederick William IV promises reform, but also moves extra troops into the city. Tensions escalate between Berliners and soldiers, and on 18th March, protesters erect barricades. The army attacks, leading to vicious fighting in the streets. 800 protesters are killed. The king loses his stomach for the slaughter, and withdraws troops from the city, promising a new constitution. Not all Europe is embracing change. In Russia, Emperor Nicholas firmly opposes any reforms. He'd been badly shaken by the Decembrist revolt on the opening day of his reign. Since then, he has tightened censorship, and created a new secret police unit, the Third Department. There is a crackdown on all suspected subversives. Writer Fyodor Dostoevsky is among those arrested, and subjected to a mock execution, before he is exiled to Siberia. There will be no concessions in Russia. By European standards, Britain is already a liberal, constitutional monarchy, and the middle classes broadly accept the status quo. But there is a popular movement calling for more democratic reforms. They're known as the Chartists, for the Six-Point Charter they wish to implement. A mass rally is organised for the 10th of April in London. This is a photograph of that meeting. The authorities fear violence, and draft in 80,000 extra police. But the event passes off peacefully. In the Netherlands, King William II backs a new constitution and reforms, successfully pre-empting any revolutionary disturbance. With fortuitous timing, Frederick VII of Denmark had abolished royal absolutism in January, so also avoids revolution. But he faces a German nationalist revolt in Schleswig-Holstein, which leads to war with the German Confederation. Denmark will ultimately prevail in this war, thanks to diplomatic support from the other European powers. In 1848, Polish hopes were high that these revolutions would pave the way for the restoration of an independent Poland. Europe's liberals, after all, had frequently expressed enthusiasm for the idea. But in reality, no major power is willing to risk confrontation with Russia for the sake of the Poles. A Polish rising in Posen is put down by the Prussians, while the Austrians deal with risings in Krakow and Galicia. The first euphoric phase of the European revolutions becomes known as the Springtime of the Peoples. With censorship relaxed, there's an explosion in the number of newspapers, among them Cologne's radical New Daily, Neue Rheinische Zeitung, edited by Karl Marx. It feels like the dawn of a new era. But these early successes are built on the back of an uneasy alliance, as Marx is quick to highlight. Middle-class liberals want constitutions, more inclusion in politics, and a free press. Workers, who are the revolutionary foot-soldiers in many cities, want cheaper food, and the right to work. German radicals sum it up with a neat pun – freedom to read versus freedom to feed. Europe's new assemblies are under pressure, from conservatives who think they're going too far, and radicals and socialists who think they're not going far enough. Most horrifying of all to Europe's middle class, there hovers the threat of mass, direct action. Social revolution – the mob. In the wake of the revolution, France's provisional government had set up National Workshops, a public works programme to alleviate unemployment in Paris. But just three months later, a new, more conservative government announces their closure. 100,000 workers are suddenly jobless. The response is immediate and furious. Over three days in June, Paris radicals take on the middle-class National Guard and regular troops in a bloody battle of the barricades. The Archbishop of Paris attempts to mediate, but is cut down in a crossfire. This remarkable early photograph shows some of the Paris barricades fought over that summer. By the time it's all over, General Cavagnac's troops have killed at least 1,500 workers, and arrested 12,000 more, a third of whom are deported to Algeria. He believes he has saved France from anarchy. The sacred cause of the Republic has triumphed, he declares. The French Revolution has split between left and right, with bloody consequences. It paves the way for the return of a famous name from the past, promising unity and order. That spring, conservative governments had been caught off-guard by the speed of events. Now they begin to fight back. In Prague, Czech students clash with troops. The wife of Austrian commander General Windisch-Greiz is killed by a stray bullet. He responds by withdrawing his troops and bombarding the city's old town with artillery. 43 are killed before the students surrender. In Italy, King Carlo Alberto of Piedmont-Sardinia has declared an Italian War of Liberation against Austria, and invades Lombardy-Venetia. He is supported by the other Italian states and nationalist volunteers, including the Italian Legion, led by professional revolutionary Giuseppe Garibaldi. Austrian forces in Italy are commanded by 81-year-old Field Marshal Radetzky, a distinguished veteran of the Napoleonic Wars. Vienna orders him to negotiate. Instead, Radetzky wages a masterful campaign, fending off the Piedmontese advance, then launching a decisive counterattack. Piedmontese forces retreat in disarray, and Carlo Alberto negotiates a truce. That summer, Johann Strauss composes the Radetzky March to celebrate the old general's victory. Meanwhile, Austrian relations with Hungary are in crisis. The country is now effectively independent, with its own elected parliament, and a prime minister, Laios Batiani. But not everyone wants to be part of the new Hungary. Savage ethnic conflicts break out between Hungarians and Romanians in Transylvania, and Hungarians and Serbs in Vojvodina, leaving thousands dead. An even greater threat is Croatian General Josip Jelacic, a fire-breathing imperial loyalist, who takes matters into his own hands, and invades what he regards as a renegade province. The Emperor still hopes for a peaceful resolution, and sends a loyal general, Count Lamberg, to take command of Hungarian military forces. But on arrival, he's brutally murdered by a mob. Appalled, the imperial government declares war on the Hungarian revolutionaries. This in turn outrages liberals and radicals in Vienna. There is fresh violence on the streets, and the Austrian minister of war is lynched. Troops evacuate the city, while the Emperor flees to Olmuz. Jelacic marches to the government's aid. He joins forces with Vindish greats outside Vienna, and together they bombard the city. Then they attack. The October Rising is crushed, with the loss of 2,000 lives. 25 revolutionary leaders are executed, including Robert Blum, a member of the German parliament in Frankfurt. He becomes a celebrated martyr of the revolutions. With Vienna secure, the Austrian invasion of Hungary can begin. The Hungarians are heavily outnumbered. Budapest falls, and the Hungarian government evacuates to Debrecen. Following the violence in Berlin that March, the King of Prussia withdraws to his palace at Potsdam, on the outskirts of the city. Here he is surrounded by loyal troops and conservative advisers, including a 33-year-old aristocrat named Otto von Bismarck. When asked for his view on what should be done, Bismarck says nothing, but leans over to a piano, and taps out the March of the Prussian Infantry. The forces of conservatism are strong in Prussia. There is deep loyalty to the state, and the king. Allies, like Bismarck, adopt the enemy's tactics, launching conservative political organisations and newspapers to mobilise this support. By November, King Frederick William has noted the infighting of his opponents, and the defeat of the Vienna Revolution, and decides to act. He orders General Wrangel to lead 13,000 troops into Berlin. They enter the city unopposed, and order the Prussian Assembly to disperse. It has no option but to comply. Prussia will get its constitution, but it is one handed down by the king, under which he retains full executive power. Prussian dreams of a true parliamentary system, even a republic, are dashed. In December, two new players take the stage, who will play key roles in shaping the fate of Europe's revolutions. In Vienna, Emperor Ferdinand abdicates in favour of his 18-year-old nephew, Franz Josef. He will reign until his death in 1916. In Paris, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, nephew of Emperor Napoleon, is elected President of the French Republic in a landslide victory. He promises to heal divisions, impose order, and restore France to her former glory. In Italy, the tumult continues into 1849. In the Papal States, the reforms of Pope Pius had seen him held up as an unlikely liberal role model. But escalating radicalism and violence, notably the assassination of his justice minister, Pellegrino Rossi, caused Pope Pius to flee Rome. In his absence, a Roman Republic is declared. It is led by Giuseppe Mazzini, the iconic figurehead of Italian nationalism, whose devoted his life to the unification of his homeland. But elsewhere, the Italian cause fares badly. Carlo Alberto resumes his war with Austria, with disastrous consequences. At the Battle of Novara, Radecki inflicts another heavy defeat. Carlo Alberto abdicates in favour of his son, Vittorio Emanuele, to avoid a republican revolution. 12 years later, he'll become the first king of a modern, united Italy. In the south, Ferdinand reverts to absolutist rule, and sends troops to Sicily, who stamp out the revolution. Then, to the dismay of liberals across Europe, French President Louis-Napoleon sends troops to crush the Republic of Rome, and put the Pope back on his throne. He has decided the support of French Catholics is more important to him than the fate of Italian republicans. French forces are led by General Oudinot, son of the famous Marshal. Rome's defenders are led by Garibaldi. But despite skilled and courageous resistance, Rome is forced to surrender after a two-month siege. That summer, Radecki also retakes Venice, and puts an end to its republic. In March, the German National Parliament in Frankfurt had finally agreed on a constitution for a united Germany. It is to be a constitutional monarchy under an emperor. The man intended to play this role is Frederick William of Prussia. So when he declines the offer, the plan is killed stone dead. In public, he says it is impossible without the consent of the other German princes. In private, he says he would never accept a crown from the gutter disgraced by the stink of revolution. Revolts in support of the national constitution break out in Saxony, the Palatinate and the Grand Duchy of Baden. They are crushed by local forces assisted by Prussian troops. The Frankfurt Parliament itself is dissolved. What hope there had been for a united Germany under a liberal constitution, lies in ruins. In Austria, the new Emperor Franz Josef issues his own new constitution, reclaiming almost all political power. He also revokes all the liberal reforms passed by the Hungarian Parliament, known as the April Laws. In response, Lajos Kossuth declares formal Hungarian independence, and the country begins an extraordinary campaign of military mobilisation. Hungarian commander General Gerge retakes Budapest. He then launches a bloody assault on Buda Castle, overpowering its Austrian garrison. In desperation, the Austrian Emperor travels to Warsaw to formally request military aid from the Emperor of Russia. Russian troops have already moved into Moldavia, and then Wallachia, to put down the Romanian liberal revolution. Nicholas now agrees to send troops to Hungary to crush those he describes as the enemies of order and tranquillity. Hungary faces an impossible strategic situation, surrounded and outnumbered more than two to one. The combined onslaught is irresistible. The Hungarian forces are driven south, and finally forced to surrender. In the aftermath, around 120 Hungarian politicians and army officers are executed. So ends Hungary's War of Independence. 1848 was a year like no other – a series of seismic political events following one upon another like falling dominoes. But what had been achieved? A British historian famously described 1848 as the turning point at which modern history failed to turn. And for all the euphoria of Europe's springtime of the peoples, by 1849 it seemed that the counter-revolutionaries had won everywhere. But some gains did endure, such as the abolition of serfdom in Austria, and the popular vote in France, though France became a little less democratic in 1852, after Louis Napoleon made himself Emperor. Across Europe, governments modernised, and paid more attention to economic and social issues, partly in response to the new challenges that had emerged from socialist and working-class politics. The causes of German and Italian unification had been defeated, but made giant strides, and learned crucial lessons. Their goals would not be achieved by ideas alone, but the realities of force. In the words of Bismarck, the great questions of the day were to be settled not through speeches and majority decisions, but by iron and blood. It would be wars waged by powerful monarchies that united Germany and Italy. The legacy of 1848, for good and ill, would be felt for decades to come.