Xi's Purge of Zhu Mingguo: Rise by Drinking, Pocket $33M & 6000-m² Super Mansions

This is Zhu Mingguo, former chairman of the Guangdong Provincial Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. Once hailed as a powerful figure in China's political and legal system, Zhu held life and death authority across three major regions, Hainan, Chongqing, and Guangdong. But behind the polished suit and politician's smile lays something far darker. Brutal crackdowns, a mysterious fortune worth hundreds of millions of yuan, and wrongful cases hidden in the shadows for years, from a high-ranking official to a man sentenced to death with reprieve. What led to the dramatic fall of Zhu Mingguo? Let's peel back the curtain in today's video. And if you find this story compelling, don't forget to like, subscribe, and help us spread the truth. Thank you. From humble beginnings to power. Born in May 1957, Zhu Mingguo was of Li ethnic origin, hailing from the remote mountains of Wuzhishan, Hainan. He began his career humbly, as a contract school teacher in a rural village. But it wasn't long before he stepped into the world of politics and started climbing fast. Despite lacking a formal university degree, Zhu was admitted in 1982 to a special cadre training program at Sun Yat-sen University, a move that opened the doors to his government career. From there, he held a series of key positions across Hainan. Many say his rapid rise was thanks to Wang Yuefeng, a fellow Li ethnic and then vice governor. According to Yi Kai Daily, Zhu's most notorious misdeeds trace back to this period. It was in Hainan that he built a political business mafia alliance with local entrepreneurs. One insider revealed that Zhu rose through the ranks thanks in part to his time studying at the Central Party School, and became especially well known for his superhuman drinking ability, capable of out drinking an entire banquet table. As party secretary of Wenshan County, Zhu got cozy with the business elite, frequenting private villas, gambling weekly, and using his influence to take care of legal troubles in exchange for personal favors. Some businessmen even provided homes for his mistress, an illegitimate child. He would later become the first provincial level official publicly named for serious violations of the family planning policy. While still married to his wife, Zhou Lihua, Zhu had an affair and fathered a child with another woman. Unable to tolerate the betrayal, Zhou filed a complaint directly to the central government, forcing Zhu's removal from Hainan to contain the scandal. To settle things, Zhu gave his ex-wife a large sum of severance money, then cut off all contact. Even when she later suffered from cancer and passed away, he never visited, not even once, leaving behind a scandalous divorce. A Hong Kong magazine would later reveal the scale of his violations. Zhu had a total of nine children, seven of whom were born outside the state's childbirth regulations, including with a second wife and other extramarital partners. After his infamous divorce, Zhu was transferred to Chongqing in 2001, where he held two powerful positions, chief of public security and party secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, positions that gave him full control over the police and judicial system in the city. Then in 2006, Zhu returned to Guangdong, taking on several high-level roles, and by 2013, he had climbed to the peak, chairman of the provincial CPPCC, reaching ministerial rank. But just one year later, it all unraveled. In 2014, Zhu was placed under investigation, and what came next was his spectacular fall from grace. Zhu often portrayed himself as a man forged by hardship, someone who rose by willpower and endurance. He once declared, we must prevent corrupt officials from collapsing over land deals, falling beneath skyscrapers, being ruined by bribery, destroyed in power deals, dying by the roadside, and rotting away because of lust. And yet every word echoed his own fate, power and murky cases. When Zhu Mingguo finally fell from grace, Chinese media uncovered the extravagant lifestyle he had, most notably a private estate in his hometown of Hainan, sprawling nearly 10 acres. The two villas on the property were nothing short of palatial. The entrance, flanked by majestic stone qilin statues, led to 24 ceremonial stone steps. Inside, furniture was crafted from precious rosewood, priced at over 9,000 yuan, 12 yuan per kilogram. Zhu returned to this estate every few months, hosting lavish banquets for villagers and showcasing photos of himself with top party leaders, as if to say, this is how powerful I am. Additionally, authorities found mountains of gold and cash, packed tightly in crates, and stuffed into more than 10 vehicles. Some stacks of money had grown moldy, evidence of long-term concealment. Each of these details offers a glimpse into his extravagant and corrupt lifestyle. So where did it all come from? The answer lies in the immense influence Zhu once held. Over decades, he occupied some of the most powerful roles in China's legal and political machinery. Party secretary of political and legal affairs in Hainan, Chongqing, and Guangdong, and later, secretary of the Discipline Inspection Commission in Guangdong province. With that power came the ability to interfere in criminal investigations, corruption cases, and judicial verdicts, offering protection to officials and business elites in exchange for immense personal gain. Even before his arrest, Zhu's name surfaced in an open letter sent to the Central Discipline Inspection Commission. The letter accused him of abusing his position to install relatives in police departments and interfering in a land scandal in Hainan, known as the Dingnan case. The case, which stretched from the early 1990s to 2012, revolved around two plots of land totaling over 338 acres near Nanli Lake. In 1992, a foreign-owned company purchased the land, but chaos soon followed. One of the deputy general managers was found bludgeoned and strangled in a dormitory. The crime scene had been washed down, clearly to destroy evidence. The company's general manager vanished and remained missing for over a decade. Meanwhile, two other deputy managers, who had invested nothing, forged documents, and illegally sold more than 150 acres of land for just over 1 million yuan. They were eventually convicted of embezzlement. Sources accused Zhu of intervening, altering the course of the investigation, and burying the truth for years. Another chilling case was exposed by Cao Canying, a courageous investigative journalist and former reporter for Shanxi Youth Daily, who had once served eight years in prison for exposing corruption in a waterworks scandal. On December 10, 2014, Cao published a shocking blog post titled, A Brutal Murder Under the Hand of Zhu Mingguo, revealing a serious case in which Zhu was allegedly involved. According to the investigation by Cao Canying, the victim was Zhou Xiaobo, a businessman in Guangdong who had repeatedly used his real name to report corrupt officials. By touching a forbidden zone, he became a thorn in the side of many powerful figures. In August 2009, Zhou was driving down Guangzhou Street when his car was suddenly blocked. Moments later, he was shot dead in broad daylight. Just three days later, when the case had yet to be properly investigated, the police hastily announced that the victim had resisted law enforcement and rammed into police officers. An anonymous source accused Zhu Mingguo and several senior officials in the public security system of using their power to orchestrate the assassination and then fabricating a so-called gang-related case to cover up the victim's death. Cao's eldest son, Zhou Junwei, firmly pursued the truth behind his father's death and refused to allow early cremation of the body as requested by the police. As a result, he was threatened, harassed, and ultimately framed, with a fake case built against him that led to a two-year prison sentence. In addition, the assets of Zhou Xiaobo's company and family were completely frozen. His associates and employees were arrested, and Zhou himself was labeled a gang leader and described as a legally eliminated criminal. But that was not all. The blood debts of Zhu Mingguo go far beyond this. The Black Hand, under Zhou Yongkang and Jiang Zemin. Zhu Mingguo once held the position of Secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission in three provinces, Hainan, Chongqing, and Guangdong, and maintained close ties with Zhou Yongkang. According to internal sources, during the investigation of Zhou Yongkang, authorities discovered a personal letter and resume from Zhu Mingguo in Zhou's residence, in which Zhu sought Zhou's support for promotion. Some believe it was Zhou himself who later betrayed Zhu by exposing him during the probe. Zhou served as Minister of Public Security in the early 2000s. During that period, China was undergoing one of its most severe political upheavals, the state-led persecution of Falun Gong, a peaceful Qigong practice introduced in 1992, based on the principles of truthfulness, compassion, and forbearance. With its well-documented benefits for physical and mental health, Falun Gong rapidly gained popularity, attracting an estimated 100 million practitioners across China within a few short years. But Zhang Zemin, then General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, viewed the spiritual movement as a direct threat, particularly because the number of practitioners had surpassed that of party members. Fearing the loss of control, Zhang launched a sweeping campaign to eliminate the practice nationwide. While Zhang's campaign ultimately failed to eradicate Falun Gong, it gave rise to one of the most egregious human rights crises in modern China. In 2001, Zhu Mingguo was transferred to Chongqing just as the crackdown was entering its most violent phase. He quickly emerged as a key executor of the central government's directives. Following Zhang Zemin's inspection visit to Chongqing in June 2002, Zhu promptly convened a political and legal affairs meeting, instructing local departments to fully enforce Zhang's orders. Zhu was later accused of being the black hand, orchestrating the brutal torture of Falun Gong practitioners across prisons, detention centers, and brainwashing facilities in Chongqing. According to reports, at least 57 practitioners died from torture under his tenure in Chongqing. The true number is likely higher due to strict censorship and information suppression. One of the most widely reported cases is that of Zhang Fangliang, Deputy County Chief of Rongchang County and a well-respected Falun Gong practitioner known for his integrity. In October 2001, Zhang was abducted by police for distributing informational materials that exposed the Chinese Communist Party's propaganda against Falun Gong. He was held for eight months, during which he was subjected to repeated torture. His limbs became severely swollen and he lost the ability to walk. He died in July 2002 at the age of 48, succumbing to his injuries while in custody. His death shocked the local community. Many mourners described him as the only upright official in Rongchang, a man who died defending morality while corrupt officials remained untouched. Another case that drew outrage was that of Wei Xingyan, a graduate student at Chongqing University and also a Falun Gong practitioner. On June 4th, 2003, while detained at Bai Helen Detention Center, she was raped by a police officer a crime so horrific that multiple witnesses remained haunted by it long after. The abuse didn't stop there. Wei was later subjected to forced feeding via a tube, causing severe damage to her trachea and esophagus. She was eventually rushed to Southwest Hospital in critical condition. Instead of investigating the crime, Chongqing University and local authorities conspired to cover it up, erasing her records in an attempt to bury the truth. Her case was later cited by international human rights organizations as clear evidence of the persecution's brutality. In August 2004, the World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong, WIPFG, officially named Xu Mingguo as a subject of investigation for his involvement in such crimes. In its persecution of Falun Gong, the Chinese Communist Party, CCP, has consistently violated its own laws and constitutional principles. Although Article 36 of the Chinese Constitution formally guarantees freedom of religious belief, and although no law has ever officially banned Falun Gong, practitioners in China face constant risk of arbitrary arrest, torture, and even forced organ harvesting, a practice tied to China's highly controversial transplant industry. To enforce the crackdown, Jiang Zemin has established an extra-legal agency called the 610 Office. Operating outside the bounds of the Communist Party, this secretive body worked in tandem with China's national security apparatus. Jiang placed trusted loyalists in key positions to run what became a massive, coordinated suppression machine across the country. The fall from power rumors of Xu Mingguo's downfall began circulating on overseas websites as early as June 2014. But for those paying attention, the signs had already started to show. A journalist told RFI that during the two sessions in March, Xu gave a speech, but his demeanor had dramatically changed. It felt like his spirit was broken, the journalist recalled. He looked weary, kept yawning, shivering, and even rushed out twice to dry heave, a stark contrast to the strong and energetic presence he was once known for. Between March and June, Xu disappeared from the public eye for nearly three months. Yet just two days before his arrest, he was still present at a provincial conference on ideological study, delivering a speech as if nothing were amiss. But on the morning of November 28th, 2014, as he prepared to leave for an official trip, Xu was taken into custody. By that afternoon, the news of his investigation was officially confirmed and his office was sealed off. In November 2016, Xu Mingguo was formally sentenced, death sentence with a two-year reprieve, lifetime revocation of political rights, confiscation of all personal assets. He was convicted of accepting over 141 million yuan, approximately 20 million USDs, in bribes and possessing 91 million yuan, approximately 12.8 million USDs in unexplained assets. A striking irony is that while the Chinese Communist Party went to great lengths to smear Falun Gong, labeling it anti-science and superstitious to justify its persecution, many corrupt officials themselves clearly disregarded the party's materialist ideology and were deeply superstitious. Xu Mingguo was no exception. He was infamously obsessed with feng shui and maintained a close relationship with Wang Lin, a controversial Qigong master once based in Hong Kong. While serving in Hainan, Xu's political career came close to collapse. But with Wang Lin's help, he weathered the crisis. In a later meeting, Xu even knelt before Wang to express his gratitude. From then on, he would visit Wang during every major holiday or birthday, bearing lavish gifts. Reports later revealed that Xu gifted Wang large quantities of gold and even an imported Browning pistol. In 2011, when Wang fell seriously ill, Xu personally arranged for him to be treated at a VIP hospital in Guangzhou. Following the arrest of Zhou Yongkang, Xu's anxiety only deepened. His belief in superstition intensified. He had Wang Lin consult on everything from the wall designs of his office to the building's inauguration date and main gate orientation. But no amount of fortune-telling could shield him from what was coming. Political commentator Xia Xiaoqian once analyzed that the primary reason for Xu Mingguo's downfall was his previous role as secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission in Hainan, Chongqing, and Guangdong, positions that closely aligned him with Zhou Yongkang. His fall was part of Xi Jinping's broader effort to purge and restructure the legal and political systems, long dominated by the Jiang Zemin-Zhou Yongkang faction. Ultimately, those who commit wrongdoing must face the consequences. No one is exempt from the law of cause and effect. Xu Mingguo's fate was, in the end, of his own making. That brings us to the end of today's video. What are your thoughts on the case of Xu Mingguo? Leave your comments below. We'd love to hear from you. Thank you for watching, and we'll see you in the next story.