078: The Indo Greeks - Heracles, Menander, and the Buddha

Hi there, you're listening to The Hellenistic Age Podcast. Episode 78, The Indo-Greeks, Heracles, Menander, and the Buddha. The region of Gandhara, encompassing much of Pakistan and eastern Afghanistan, was a major hub of political, commercial, and cultural activity in the ancient world. One of the most important contributions of the region was the cultivation of Buddhism, one of the great religions of the world that had been established centuries earlier by Siddhartha Gautama, later known as the Buddha. It is no surprise that during their invasion of India, the Indo-Greek kings made Gandhara their base of power. Following nearly two centuries of occupation, a mingling of Buddhist and Hellenic traditions occurred in Gandhara's cosmopolitan environment, manifesting in both art and literature in powerful and enchanting ways. From its origins in roughly the 5th century BC, Buddhism was largely a philosophical movement rather than a strictly religious one. The figure known as Siddhartha Gautama, or Shakyamuni, sage of the Shakya clan, had established his teachings in the region of Magadha along the lower Ganges. In the centuries after his death, it remained localized in the Gangetic plain, but the rule of the Mauryan emperors would provide the opportunity to propel it to the status of a major world religion. Ashoka the Great, the third of his dynasty who ruled from roughly 268 to 232, became a similar figure as Constantine was for Christianity. After a particularly brutal conquest of the Kalinga peoples along the Bay of Bengal, Ashoka experienced something of a moral epiphany over his warlike behavior, and in his repentance, he found himself a devoted patron, if not convert, of Buddhism. Under his direction, thousands of monuments and temples were built across his empire, and missionaries carrying the Buddha's message were sent throughout India and beyond. While its modern population is overwhelmingly Muslim in practice, Gandhara received many of these missions, and Buddhism became deeply entrenched in the region, giving rise to a core of Buddhist practice and scholarship for over a thousand years. Gandhara's position along the trade routes linking India with the rest of Central Asia and the more western territories made it a very attractive location for prospective conquerors, namely Alexander the Great, and the later Greco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek kings, both of whom invaded the region during the 4th and early 2nd centuries respectively. Classicists and Indologists alike have sought to find any piece of evidence to suggest an interaction between the traditions of Buddhism and Hellenism. It turns out, there is a surprising amount. Did Alexander or his contemporaries encounter any Buddhists while in Bactria in India? According to the biographer Diogenes Laertius, a man named Pyrrho of Elis had accompanied the expedition, and while in India, he is said to have convened with local ascetics, known as the Gymnosophists, literally, naked wise men. It is from their conversations that Pyrrho was inspired into a life of contemplation, becoming the founder of what is known as Pyrrhonian skepticism. The core philosophy behind this skeptic outlook is due to the fallibility of perception, that the qualities of objects are unmeasurable or unstable based upon the point of view of those expressing them. For instance, what is hot for some may be lukewarm to others, which leads to equally valid arguments on both sides, which can result in the inability to act or decide, equipollence. According to Pyrrho, we thus know nothing, and to avoid a state of distress or impotence brought about by this lack of knowledge, we must be perpetually indifferent to our surroundings by suspending our judgment, leading to ataraxia, tranquility. This indifference and generally relaxed attitude results in some amusing anecdotes, with Pyrrho nearly being run over by carts in the street, or bitten by rabid dogs, seemingly without a care in the world. Scholars have noted that Pyrrhonian skepticism and Buddhism share many similar outlooks regarding the nature of the universe, and even in the ways that they argue their beliefs. The tripartite argument of Pyrrho, lack of identity or viewpoint, unstable or immeasurable characteristics of objects, and the lack of decision or judgment, can roughly be equated to the Buddhist three characteristics of ethics, impermanence, uneasiness, and lack of self. Both have also employed the use of the Chetra Lemma, a four-option equivalent of the Dai Lemma, which can be summarized as follows. An object is either X, Y, both X and Y, or neither X and Y. Pyrrho and the Buddha would agree that we cannot firmly claim that objects are, are not, are and are not, or neither are or are not. This has led to the assertion that Pyrrho had been inspired by, or outright repackaged, the philosophical ideas of Buddhism through his meeting with the gymnosophists during his time in India, who ought to be better described as Buddhist monks. This interpretation has not been widely accepted, with many citing that Indian and Greek philosophical schools have both used these argumentative structures prior to the arrival of Alexander in the East. While the Greek description of the Indian philosopher shares characteristics with the lifestyle of Buddhist adherents, namely the minimalist living, vegetarian diet, and contemplative nature, some have noted that the author's insistence on the nudity of these gymnosophists would be more reminiscent of sadhus, Hindu or Jain ascetics, rather than any adherence of Buddhism. For an event more convincing than that of Pyrrho, we need to move about 60 years after the death of Alexander to the reign of Ashoka the Great. During his rule, he ordered the carving of several inscriptions into the faces of cliffs, caves, and large rocks across his empire. These were messages from Ashoka himself, laying out a biography of his life and his devotion to the teachings of the Buddha. Of special note are rock edicts 7 and 13, both of which were found in the city of Kandahar. These edicts are remarkable finds because they were inscribed in Greek, along with Aramaic, indicative of the sizable population of Greek settlers residing within Arakosia, which was ceded by Seleucus I to Ashoka's grandfather, Chandragupta, in the Treaty of the Indus in 303. Edict 7 has Ashoka explain the need for non-violence, and pushes for restrictions on hunting and fishing while promoting dhamma, or dharma, a term used to refer to a sort of cosmic law or truth, which would be the practices of Ten years having passed, King Piyodasis revealed dhamma to men. Thenceforth, he made men more pious and made all things prosper throughout the entire land. The king abstained from eating living creatures, and following his example, other men did likewise, and all who were hunters or fishermen have ceased their work. Those lacking self-control have, as far as possible, overcome their weakness, and, unlike before, have become obedient to their father, mother, and elders. By doing these things, they will live more profitably in the future." Whomever translated the emperor's message converted the word dhamma into the Greek eusebia, which is more specifically tied to piety, and doesn't quite match up to the meaning of the original. Piety in the Greek sense also implies animal sacrifice, which is contrary to Ashoka's aims. The Aramaic version of the text translates it as truth, which is more in line with the Buddhist meaning, and no doubt influenced by Zoroastrian belief which was widespread in the Iranian plateau. Regardless, this is concrete proof that Buddhist ideology was being shared to a Greek audience. Edict 13, on the other hand, shows the missionary zeal of Ashoka, as he states that he sent emphases to the courts of the Hellenistic kingdoms as far away as Libya and Greece. Later Buddhist literature gives a more detailed account of one of these missions, an envoy named Maharaki Tethera, who is said to have delivered Ashoka's message in the Yonakaloka, the country of the Greeks. While we have Greco-Roman records of diplomatic exchanges and gift-giving between the Greek kings and Indian emperors, none mention any proselytizers. Following the independence of the Greco-Bactrian kingdoms, there is little proof of an identifiable Buddhist presence within the Greek cities of Afghanistan. To say that no practicing immigrants or missionaries traveled or lived in places like Ai-Khanum is unlikely, given the amount of trade that was going back and forth between Bactria and Gandhara during the time. There was probably a degree of familiarity, but to truly find any evidence, we need to turn to the Indo-Greek period. Following the conquests of Demetrius and his successors, Gandhara was ruled by a Greek elite until the early 1st century AD, who would have to contend with the local religions and customs of their subject communities. It is during this time that we find one of the most extraordinary pieces of evidence indicating the influence of Buddhism on the ruling Hellenes. King Malinda at Sagala, the famous town of Yor, to Nagasena, the world-famous sage, repaired. To him, the eloquent, the bearer of the torch of truth, dispeller of the darkness of men's minds, subtle and naughty questions did he put, many turning on many points. Then were solutions given, profound in meaning, gaining access to the heart, sweet to the ear, and passing wonderful and strange. For Nagasena's talk plunged to the hidden depths of law and thought, unraveling all the meshes of the suttas net, glittering the while with metaphors and reasoning high. Come then, apply your minds, and let your hearts rejoice, and hearken to these subtle questionings, all grounds of doubt well-fitted to resolve. These are the opening lines of a Buddhist text known as the Malinda Panya, The Questions of King Malinda, a work written in Pali sometime around the 2nd century AD, perhaps based on a Gandhari original which was also later translated into Chinese. Its position within the Buddhist canon depends on the sect, but it was especially popular in Sri Lanka, where the oldest manuscript, dating to the late 15th century, was found. The story is centered around a meeting between King Malinda, a powerful monarch of Gandhara, and Nagasena, a Buddhist sage, engaging in philosophical debates about the merits of Buddhism. As a very wise and learned man himself, Malinda poses a series of questions to Nagasena, who takes the opportunity to articulate the belief structure of Buddhist philosophy. Eventually, Malinda accepts the wisdom of Nagasena, and becomes a devotee of the Buddha, eventually becoming a saint, arahant, and achieving nirvana. Indologists and classicists alike immediately recognize the origins of this Malinda, the Indo-Greek king Menander I, who ruled Gandhara from roughly 155 to 130 BC. How do we know that the Malinda Panya is referring to Menander? On the Karashthi legend of Menander's coins, his name is often given as Menamdra. Malinda and Menamdra are not exactly the same, but close enough to not give any special concern, as there was no standardized method to transliterate Greek names into Indian languages. More obvious is evidence from the text itself, which explicitly calls Malinda the ruler of the Yonakas, the Greeks. Given that Menander is the best documented Indo-Greek ruler in the Greco-Roman tradition, few doubt that Malinda and Menander are one and the same. And since this is the only Indian text written explicitly about the Indo-Greeks, it is little wonder that scholars have pored over its contents to try and glean any sort of information they can out of it. While the story itself is largely fictional, as it is focused more on exploring Buddhist doctrine than an account of Menander's supposed conversion, there are many elements that suggest a solid historical foundation. The description of Menander's capital at Sagala, despite its literary flourish, mentions several features that are reminiscent of Hellenistic cities, such as its organization on a grid-like pattern and possession of large fortifications. Among Menander's hosts were 500 appointed Yonakas, who continually provided information about his kingdom, which, despite its size, is probably referring to the Phalloi, the royal friends who served in advisory and administrative roles. Like the name Malinda, there are Yonakas in the story who seem to possess names that can roughly be approximated from Pali into Greek, such as Devamantia, Demetrius, and Anantakaya, Antiochus. Going by the historicity of the text, Menander would be the earliest known Greek, a king no less, to accept the teachings of the Buddha. Structurally, the Malinda Pana is quite simple. It takes a conversational approach with Menander acting as the curious interlocutor, who asks Nagasena about philosophical concepts such as knowledge, the fear of death, and various aspects of the Buddhist belief structure. Nagasena does his best to respond by comparing alternative solutions, challenging Menander to keep posing the right questions before finally providing the correct answer. Here is an example of the general format. The king said, He who has intelligence, Nagasena, has he also wisdom? Yes, great king. What, are they both the same? Yes. Then would he, with his intelligence, which you say is the same as wisdom, be still in bewilderment or not? In regards to some things, yes. In regards to others, no. What would he be in bewilderment about? He would still be in bewilderment as to those parts of learning he had not learnt, as to those countries he had not seen, as to those names or terms he had not heard. And wherein would he not be in bewilderment? As regards that which has been accomplished by insight, the perception, that is, of the impermanence of all beings, of the suffering inherent in individuality, and of the nonexistence of any soul. Then what would have become of his delusions on those points? When intelligence has once arisen, that moment delusion has died away. Give me an illustration. It is like the lamp, which when a man has brought into a darkened room, then the darkness would vanish away, and light would appear." For those unfamiliar with Greek philosophy, the questions read very much in the style of Plato's Socratic dialogues. Compare the previous passage with Plato's Theaetetus, where Socrates discusses the nature of knowledge and perception with the eponymous Theaetetus, and the parallels are quite striking. Given the similarities in structure and its uniquely cosmopolitan background, quite a few academics have sought to identify a Greek influence in the origins of the Melinda Panya. Hellenistic kings were generally learned men, and the patronization of intellectuals was considered the norm. Alexander is reported to have conversed with Indian sages about various subjects during his time in India, and Menander would be playing a very similar role. Scholar W. W. Tarn likened it to the letters of Pseudo-Aristeas, written in Greek but centered around Jewish religious history, and organized along a similar framework as the questions. Ptolemy II Philadelphus, a foreign king from the Jewish viewpoint, invites the intellectuals of Jerusalem to come to Alexandria, and during his banquets he poses a series of philosophical questions that are then addressed by the Jewish elders. Its historical veracity is highly doubtful, but it too contains elements of truth about Ptolemaic Egypt, and Tarn asserts that there must have been a Greek original of the Melinda Panya which has only survived in the Pali format. In Tarn's day, almost nothing was known about the intellectual life of Hellenistic Central Asia and India, so his claims certainly sounded far-fetched for the time. This has since dramatically changed. A papyrus fragment containing a previously unknown philosophical discussion on the Platonic theory of forms was discovered in the library of I Canun, perhaps an original work by a Greco-Bactrian scholar, and it too takes on a conversational approach. The inscription of Sophitos from Alexandria and Aracosia demonstrates the educational background of a man of likely Indian origin possessing knowledge of Homer and Callimachus. It is arguable that there was a vibrant intellectual culture in the Greco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek period, at least for the elite, so perhaps Tarn's claim is not unfounded. Others have taken a different position, arguing that we should exercise caution against scouring through the questions and overestimating the amount of Hellenic influence. The pattern of back-and-forth philosophical dialogue, the so-called Socratic method, was not exclusively practiced by the Greeks, nor was the model of inquisitive king and sagacious philosopher, both of which appear in Indian literature both before and after the Hellenistic period. It is important to understand the context of when and where it was written, though, as Gandhara during this time was a hub of various cultural and intellectual traditions, and the Malinda Panya may have been relevant enough to be understood from the perspective of both Indian and Greek alike. Outside of the questions of King Malinda, what sort of evidence do we have that lends weight to the connection between Menander and Buddhism? We know that the coins of Indo-Greek rulers could portray Indian gods like Vasudeva, so we might be able to find Buddhist elements as well. So far, only one bronze coin known to be minted during the time of Menander carries imagery that may be interpreted as Buddhist, the Dharma Chakra, an eight-spoked wheel that represented the noble Eightfold Path, a set of guidelines that empower the practitioner to end their personal suffering. There are a few important things to note when taking this coin into consideration. Firstly, the fact that only one has been ever discovered may hint that Menander's devotion was not as strong as we'd like to believe. Secondly, the eight-spoke wheel did not exclusively belong to the Buddhist tradition either, as it could often represent the general Indian concept of universal kingship. This is further supported by the fact that the bronze coin was likely meant for local circulation, so using broadly Indian symbols to appeal to the wider population would make more sense. Most of Menander's finer silver species emphasize his military prowess, with the lightning-wielding goddess Athena Alcidemos, or the demigod Heracles, acting as representations of his martial power. Thirdly, attempting to determine the religious conversions of a king by using their coins, especially in a polytheistic society, may be more difficult than at first glance. However, it is worth mentioning that the original Greek epithet of Menander was Soter, Savior. If we are to believe that they are one and the same person, later coins changed the title from Soter to Dikaios, Just, which was adopted by his successors as well. The corresponding Karashli reads as Maharajasa Dharmikasa Menadrasa, Great King Menander, Follower of the Dharma. But the general association of Buddhism with the Indo-Greeks may not be too much of a stretch when we look at the political situation of India during the period. Earlier kings like Agathocles were willing to depict Hindu deities alongside more traditionally Hellenic elements on coinage, and we know that there were Greek devotees of the god Vasudeva, namely Heliodorus of Taxila, but patronizing Buddhism may have been a more valuable political move. The imperial heartland of Magadha and the lower Ganges was controlled by the native Shunga dynasty, and Pushyamitra Shunga was the first explicitly pro-Brahmin ruler of Pataliputra since before Chandragupta Maurya. By contrast, Gandhara, the seat of Indo-Greek power, had become a stronghold of Buddhism. Under Pushyamitra and his successors, Hindu literature like the Matsya Purana paints an extremely hostile picture of the Yavanas as bloodthirsty barbarians. Though this resentment is justified given the extent of the campaigns of Menander and other Indo-Greeks against Magadha, it may have been exacerbated by their inclination to support Buddhism. In some later Buddhist traditions, Pushyamitra is seen as a great persecutor, raising Buddhist temples to the ground and killing its members in an effort to establish unchallenged Brahmanical authority. However fair or unfair this portrayal is made out to be is really a matter of debate, since there is evidence that the Shunga generally accepted Buddhism in contrast to the supposed zealotry of its members. Regardless, I think it is quite revealing of how fondly Menander is remembered in Buddhist sources when compared to the general disdain of Yavanas in Hindu accounts, and vice versa with the contemporary Shungas and Buddhist ones. There is a very interesting passage from Plutarch regarding the king's funeral. It is said that upon his death, Menander was cremated, his ashes divided amongst the cities in Bactria in India to be interred in monuments. Cremation was common practice among both Greeks and Romans alike, so that in itself is not unusual. However, the translation leading to monument can also be substituted for memorial, presumably a grave of some kind. It is argued by some scholars that the Greeks were trying to describe not just a grave, but more specifically a stupa. A stupa is essentially a raised earthen mount used to store the remains of the dead, and is very prominent in the Buddhist tradition, with more elaborate examples possessing a conical spire. The most common account of the Buddha's death has his body cremated, and his ashes and other relics scattered amongst his followers to be placed within the stupas across the land. Ashoka's great stupa in Sanshi is the most spectacular example dating near Menander's lifetime, and stupas can be found across northwestern India and Afghanistan. A later Buddhist work maintains that Menander built a stupa during his time at Pataliputra. If we are to believe that Menander was an ardent Buddhist convert, then it stands to reason that Plutarch is unwittingly relaying a story of Menander's emulation of the Buddha. It is worthy to note that Macedonian kings tended to inter their dead in structures similar to the known as a tumulus. The great tumulus of Vergina is famously said to house the remains of King Philip II of Macedonia. We are then left with a few frustrating options, all equally likely. One is that Menander was buried in much the same practices as Macedonian forebears, and any parallels between he and the Buddha are retroactively imposed by modern scholars. The second suggests that Menander was indeed buried in Buddhist custom, but the Greeks did not understand the broader context and just saw it as an extension of a traditional Hellenistic king. Deification of royals upon their death occurred very frequently during the period, and so Menander would be just continuing the practice. The last may mean that Menander's remains could have been placed in the stupas, but the practice itself might have been seen as respecting both Greek and Indian traditions by either Menander himself or his responsible successor. Plutarch also confirms the claims of the Melinda Pania, describing him as a just and wise king that dispensed law fairly among his subjects, perhaps also a reference to the epithet Dikaios. What about archaeological or epigraphical evidence? Within the ruins of a fort in the town of Shinkot, along the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan, locals discovered a soapstone casket, more specifically a reliquary, a funerary urn intended to hold the relics of the Buddha. This item was discovered in the early 20th century, but has since been lost. Thankfully, drawings and photographs of the object were taken at the time, as on the casket were several inscriptions, written out in Gandhari Prakrit using Karashli letters. It appears that the reliquary was consecrated repeatedly on different occasions, and specialists in Gandharan epigraphy managed to deduce that these inscriptions date within a range of 150 years of each other. The oldest of these can be found on the outer rim, which reads as follows, Of the great king Menadrasa, on the fourteenth day of the month of Kartika, relics of the lord of the Shakya sage that are endowed with life are established. Relics of the lord of the Shakya sage that are endowed with life. As it stands, Menadrasa must be a reference to our Menander, given its close similarity to his Karashli coin legend Menamdrasa. Most, though not all, accept the Shinkhat casket as an authentic find. Starting with what we know, the casket was interred by someone during the time of Menander, and adjusted later during the Indo-Sakha period. Due to a break in the text, the context as to why Menander is mentioned is unclear, and there are several possibilities. Perhaps it was originally deposited by or on behalf of the king. If we are inclined to view Plutarch's story of Menander's death and burial as carrying explicitly Buddhist overtones, then Menander would have understood, or at least recognized the significance of the ritual. If genuine, the casket is the oldest dateable reference to the interment of the Buddha's relics. It could also be possible that the deposit was in honor of Menander, recognizing him as a generous patron of Buddhism. Truthfully, the answer could be as a reference to his regnal year at whatever time it was deposited. But very recent evidence has emerged that has added a whole new layer of complexity. The town of Barikat, the ancient Basira along the Swat River in Pakistan, is a site noted for its Indo-Greek influence. It was occupied by the Macedonians from the time of Alexander, and retaken during the expansion of Menander into the Swat Valley, before being heavily refortified by the Indo-Greeks due to its strategic location. In late December of 2021, an Italian excavation working in Barikat revealed that they discovered the remains of an enormous Apsidal Temple of Buddhist origin, its earliest foundations dating to the 3rd century BC. This would place it during the Mauryan period, which falls in line with the proliferation of Buddhism during the reign of the Emperor Shoka. What is also important is that this Apsidal Temple also saw a period of construction and expansion during the mid-2nd century, lining up nicely with the Indo-Greek period. This is further backed by the discovery of silver coins of the Greek rulers like Menander, and several objects of Hellenistic origin. With a healthy degree of confidence, the excavators have concluded that the additions to the temple were due to the patronage from Indo-Greek kings, perhaps Menander. A complete investigation of the newly discovered material has yet to take place, but optimists on the project hope that it will drastically improve our knowledge of the activity of the Indo-Greeks within the swat. What are we able to conclude with this evidence? The notion of a Greek king becoming an ardent convert to Buddhism is an idea that has fascinated scholars for generations, and will continue to do so as well. In the context of the rest of the monarchies of the Hellenistic age, the patronage and support of local religious cults and practices was very much standard operating procedure. For instance, the Seleucids took an active part in the festivals and rituals of Babylon, while the Ptolemies held a close relationship with the priests of Memphis, and were generous supporters of temple building. The Greek rulers of India would have found themselves in a similar position, and it would be wise to seek the support of local religious communities to strengthen their control. We have seen their willingness to show Hindu gods on their coinage, or set up pillars in honor of Vasudeva Krishna. It is quite possible that Menander saw Buddhism as one of many Indian cults that should be paid attention to intermittently. That is not to say that we should be dismissive of Menander's connection with Buddhism as a scenario of mere political convenience or spiritual dabbling. There is too much evidence, both within the literature and archaeology, suggesting that he, out of all the Indo-Greek rulers, held a special place within the collective memory of Buddhism. A reliquary deposited by an Indosaka governor named Satruleka during the mid-first century BC contains an inscription describing his actions to honor the Buddha on behalf of his family. While Satruleka, his wife Davili, and his one son Indrasena all carry names that are Indian in origin, his other son carried the name Menamdrena, Menander. It is an attractive idea to imagine children raised in Buddhist households being named after such a renowned king, and the longevity of his influence speaks volume. While the Mediterranean authors remembered Menander as a conqueror rivaling even Alexander, the Malinda Panya ensured that his legacy in India and the rest of Asia was that of a Buddhist saint, held in high honors as a devotee of the Buddha. Quote, The king of the city of Sagala in India, Malinda by name, learned, eloquent, wise, and able. Many were the arts and sciences he knew. As a disputant, he was hard to equal, harder still to overcome. The acknowledged superior of all the founders of the various schools of thought. And as in wisdom, so in strength of body, swiftness, and valor, there was none to be found equal to Malinda in all India. He was rich too, mighty in wealth and prosperity, and the number of his armed hosts knew no end. While the conversion of a king is substantial, we do have evidence that even high-ranking Greek officials supported local Buddhist centers as well. A public inscription recording the patronization of a local sanctuary by an Indo-Greek administrator gives us a name and title. Quote, By Theodotos, the Meridarch, are established these relics of the Shakya sage, the lord, for the benefit of many people. As we move into the first millennium, there are quite a few epigraphical examples of Yavanas donating to Buddhist cave temples, but it becomes harder to pin down their exact identity given the arrival of Sakka, Parthians, and Kushans into the region. Like with the Malinda Panya, there are other Pali texts that support the idea that Greeks could act as missionaries to spread the word of Buddhism. The Mahavamsa, a 5th century chronicle of Sri Lankan history with great emphasis placed on its interactions with Buddhism, speaks of a group of 30,000 proselytizers visiting the island as part of a mission of conversion. Its leader was a figure known as the Great Yona Teacher of the Dharma, clearly indicating that this person was of western origin. Not only does the text refer to his foreign status, but also mentions that he had journeyed from Alasanda, the city of the Yonas, presumably Alexandria in the Caucasus, a region where, according to the Malinda Panya, Menander was born. Formerly on the railing of a great stupa at Barut in Madhya Pradesh, a relief carving of a life-size man resides in the Kolkata Indian Museum. This figure shows what appears to be a warrior, holding his sword sheath with his left hand, but in his right is a grapevine, and tied upon his brow is a cloth headband of some kind. Historians have been quick to note that the headband is almost identical to the diadems worn by all Hellenistic monarchs, and along with the grapevine, these attributes lead scholars to presume that this carving is intended to be a depiction of Given that it was found on a stupa and dates sometime around the late 2nd early 1st century BC, it is possible that this could be referring to an Indo-Greek Buddhist convert. There is also an image of a trident on this warrior scabbard, but rather than seeing it as a representation of the Greek god Poseidon, the trident is intended to be a Trishula, a divine symbol normally associated with the Hindu deity Shiva. The Buddhists have their own version, a Triratna, symbolizing the trifecta of Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha. This western-looking warrior is intended to be a Buddhist temple guardian of some kind, but such idealized depictions of Westerners date to the Mauryan period as well. At the Sanchi stupa of Ashoka, images of similarly attired persons wearing diadems or holding grapevines are also present, though some are a little more fantastical than others, namely one that is carried in a chariot, pulled by flying lions. While Greeks living in Central Asia and India may have converted to Buddhism, is there any evidence of converts in the Mediterranean world? Given the increased mercantile trade between the Roman Empire and the kingdoms of India and Sri Lanka, they undoubtedly crossed paths at some point. Clement of Alexandria, one of the most important early Christian church fathers of the late 2nd century AD, was fully aware of the existence of Among the Indians are those philosophers also who follow the precepts of the Buddha, whom they honor as a god on account of his extraordinary sanctity. At the Villa Borghese in Rome, there is a marble bust that is purported to depict Julius Bastianus, a Roman nobleman of the late 2nd early 3rd century AD who was a high priest of the Arabian sun god and was closely related to the Severan dynasty. While his pedigree reflects the dynamic cultural life of the Roman Empire during this time, his portrait is extremely unusual and his hairstyle is characteristically un-Roman. Rather than mimicking the tastes of contemporary Romans, who either preferred their hair cropped or let loose in curls, Bastianus' locks are tied up into a topknot, almost near identical to those of the Gandharan Buddhists and the Buddha himself. As we will discuss in a little bit though, this was extremely common in the work of Gandharan artists, but there is little evidence of Buddhist art making its way westward to the Mediterranean. Yet excavations along the ports of the Red Sea in early 2022 have uncovered a stone relief with the Buddha's image with a topknot, which appears to be locally made in either the port itself or even by craftsmen in Alexandria. We know that Indian traders were active in the region, and perhaps even lived in permanent communities. Pot sherds with inscriptions written in Procrate and Old Tamil have been discovered in port cities throughout Egypt, and the orator Diocristostome speaks of Indians sitting among the crowds during his speeches in Alexandria. If there was going to be any Buddhist footholds in the Mediterranean world, Egypt would be the place, but we know almost nothing about the religious customs of the Indians living along the Red Sea to suggest any meaningful or secondary conversion efforts. From the 2nd to the 3rd centuries AD, during the period of Kushan rule, we see a flourishing artistic culture develop in Gandhara, which primarily manifested in the form of stone sculptures, all centered around Buddhist themes. These could be stone wall friezes adorning the stupas depicting scenes of the Buddha's life, or stucco figurines from Buddhist mythology. Ranging from small panels to life-size statues, the art of Gandhara during this period carries a rich level of realistic detail and form. I myself have seen many examples in person, and they are truly magnificent works of art. European scholars who began to encounter these spectacular pieces in the 19th century could not help but notice that the style of these Gandharan works were extremely reminiscent of the artists of the classical world, particularly from the Hellenistic and Roman periods. This connection was made even more apparent when they began to identify mythological figures or scenes that are distinctively Greco-Roman in origin. The pieces produced during this period have been commonly described as Greco-Buddhist, referring to the blend of Hellenistic artistic designs and mythology structured around a Buddhist context. Earlier academics, perhaps drawn to the association of British Empire's Indian territories and Alexander the Great, were inclined to believe that a class of Greek craftsmen living in Bactria, India were responsible for their creation, a Greco-Bactrian school as envisioned by W. W. Tarn. It is quite apparent that Indian artists had long possessed a tradition of skilled stone carvers, evidenced by the polished wear of the Mauryan period, or the great reliefs at the Sanchi stupa. The Hellenistic influence is undeniable though, but it is important to highlight the abilities of local Gandharans as being fully capable of creating these often breathtaking pieces. An important question has also been raised regarding the origin and chronology of Greco-Buddhist art. As I have mentioned, the apogee of this artistic movement occurred from the 2nd to the 3rd centuries AD, nearly 200 years after the last Indo-Greek king ruled the Punjab, with very little evidence of transitory works that could show a progressive change in the artistic tastes of the Gandharans. This has led scholars to challenge the idea of a Hellenistic influence on Gandharan art via the Greco-Bactrians or the Indo-Greeks, asserting that it would have been due to the increased trade and connectivity with the Roman Empire, as Indo-Roman trade would be at its height during these centuries. Though most trade was localized in southwest India, as made clear by the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, the Kushans, who ruled over much of the former Greco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek kingdoms, eagerly imported Mediterranean goods like glassware and bronze figurines, as evidenced by the massive horde found at Bagram in Afghanistan. Roman art was a direct successor of the Hellenistic tradition, to the point where they made exact copies of earlier works that would otherwise be lost to us. Of course, these need not be mutually exclusive reasons, and it is possible that Roman artwork was so attractive because the memory of Hellenistic culture among the Kushan and Gandharan elite remained quite strong. One of the most influential legacies of Gandharan Buddhism and its artistic output was the creation of the Buddha image. Prior to the second century AD, the Buddha was never depicted in human form. It probably was not tied to matters of idolatry or iconoclasm, akin to the prohibition of the images of the Muslim communities or the fierce debates among the various Christian sects in the Byzantine Empire. Early Buddhists, stressing the immateriality of the world and the nature of the self, may have found rendering the Buddha in human form as problematic. By his nature, the Buddha is transcendent, having escaped the cycle of reincarnation and achieved nirvana. To be depicted in the human form would be somewhat contradictory to this, effectively placing an artificial limit on a being that is beyond a mere mortal man. Most employed abstract imagery such as the lotus, the eight-spoke Dharma chakra, the Bodhi tree, and footsteps to symbolize his teachings or stages of life. These images are intended to be secondary in function, and more venerated were his relics, interred in stupas across the land. By the time of Kushan rule, this dramatically changes, and the image of the Buddha becomes a common fixture in the workshops of Gandhara and the rest of Asia from the second century onwards. What are the visual characteristics of the humanoid Buddha? There are different incarnations depending on the stage of life depicted. Some show him as a young man before he achieved enlightenment, others present a skeletal visage during his fasting period, but the one commonly described as the Buddha is reasonably consistent. His head is slightly enlarged, symbolizing an enlightened state of mind, his hair styled in a topknot, and in the middle of his forehead is the inward-facing eye, known as the urna. He can either be seen standing or seated in the lotus position, with his legs crossed. His arms and hands are typically posed, with his right hand at chest-high level and palm facing outwards, while his left is closer to his hips and the palm faces upwards, a gesture called abhaya mudra. He usually wears a simple robe or is partially nude. Such renderings, adapted to the artistic tastes and customs depending on the culture that Buddhism took root in, are almost universally understood to represent the Buddha. In their presentation, the scenes from Buddha's life are the focus of the work, ranging from his very conception to the achievement of nirvana. What sets the Gandharan examples apart, and why do we attribute some sort of Hellenistic influence upon their design or the humanoid Buddha? Scholars recognize traits in the sculptures that were near identical to the artwork of the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Gandharan artists placed a great amount of care in the clothing the Buddha wore. His ropes drape and fold over his limbs and body, giving the appearance of linen or muslin being pulled by gravity, despite rendering it in stone. This sort of attention to the fabric is also common to the works of the Greco-Roman world, and comparisons can be made with statues of the Roman emperors such as Augustus, dressed as per his role as Pontifex Maximus. In many instances, the Buddha's head is often surrounded with a circular halo. In the Greek world, this halo was known as a nimbus, a representation of divinity. While it could be found adorning the coin portraits of Hellenistic, Parthian, Roman, and later Kushan rulers, it was primarily used in the depiction of astral deities such as the sun god Apollo Helios. Of all the Olympic pantheon, the Buddha closest resembles Apollo in form, a god noted for his youthful beauty. The hair of both figures are styled in a similar fashion. Their slightly curled locks rendered in such a way so they appear to gently settle atop their heads, even when considering that the Buddha's hair is tied up in a topknot. When looking at the reliefs and carvings, Buddha takes the center stage and is usually quite large when compared to his companions, likely emphasizing his importance. The use of storytelling to communicate the life of the Buddha is quite unique to Gandharan art. Buddhist art prior to this period heavily emphasized symbolic presentation, but those of Gandhara are meant to be read as a narrative. Appropriately, many of the scenes depicting the life of the Buddha are almost theatrical in their design and presentation. Like the panels of a comic book, each scene is framed and staged in a fashion that would not be out of place in Greek drama. The uncovering of the theater of Ai-Khanum, associated theatrical masks, and scraps of Dionysiac dramas all attest to its presence in Central Asia, and it would not be out of the realm of possibility that it was carried to Gandhara as well. There really are no comparisons in the Indian tradition, and while there may be some inspiration taken from the narrative freezes or theater of the Hellenistic and Roman world, the artists of Gandhara were quite innovative. Debates have arisen regarding the origin of the anthropomorphic Buddha, split between scholars emphasizing its Greekness and those emphasizing its Indianness. In the city of Mathura in Uttar Pradesh, a school of Buddhist artwork appears to have emerged more or less at the same time as the one at Gandhara. Mathura possessed a long history of stonework, and they too began to depict images of the Buddha. In contrast to the hard and schist, a type of metamorphic rock employed by the Gandharan school, Mathuran artists use red sandstone, and the designs are much more Indian in character. Very little in the way of Greek influence can be felt, as there are many figures of Greco-Roman inspiration that appear in Gandharan tradition that otherwise do not in that of Mathura. It is not unreasonable to suggest that the artists of the Gandharan and Mathuran workshops had communicated and adapted each other's ideas, but determining who exactly influenced who first remains a touchy question. As such, it is worth addressing the elements that differ between Greco-Roman art and Gandharan art. Firstly, Greek gods were almost always depicted in the nude, while the Buddha remains mostly clothed. Despite the appearance of Greek mythological figures, as will be discussed in a moment, they were not worshipped as such, and the Gandharan artists had borrowed their appearance and overall characteristics to accentuate Indian Buddhist stories. While the Indo-Greeks were comfortable with using Buddhist, or at least Indian, imagery on their coinage, it would not be until the Kushan Empire that the Buddha makes an appearance in full form. In the reign of Kanishka I, an important figure in the history of Buddhism, the king issued at least three known strikes during the mid-2nd century that show the Buddha. They include front-facing Buddhas akin to the sculptures, both seated and standing, and contain the following inscriptions in Greek, These are meant to represent Buddha, Shakyamuni Buddha, and Buddha Maitreya, respectively, making this the early known occasion where the Buddha's name was inscribed in Greek, and one of the earliest depictions of the Buddha available. Like with the Indo-Greeks, the Kushans were eclectic in their choice of imagery on their coins, which saw a blend of Iranian, Hellenic, Central Asian, and Indian iconography, but we cannot discount the role of the Buddha among the pantheon respected by Kanishka. The creation of the Buddha's form is certainly an important development for the artists of Gandhara. In addition to the Buddha himself, a more concrete example of the Hellenistic influence can be seen in many of the designs used in Gandharan art, specifically figures and scenes of Greco-Roman mythology that were adapted and repurposed for Indian stories. Among the various scenes portrayed in the sculptures of Gandhara, there is often an accompanying figure acting as a bodyguard for Lord Buddha. To the eyes of those with at least a passing understanding of classical art and mythology, there are quite a few features that are almost instantly recognizable. A heavily muscled and semi-nude physique, a copious amount of facial hair, and a large club. The resemblance to a strongman in Greek mythology is uncanny, as the bodyguard appears to be an incarnation of the demigod Herakles. The transformation of Herakles from a body drunk, or a dim-witted brute in the more negative portrayals, into a protector figure for the tranquil Buddha seems almost too unbelievable. But how did this happen? Herakles was always a popular hero in the Greek tradition, and in many ways was directly associated with the East. As a trailblazer and world traveler, the demigod is said to have reached the lands of Bactria in India, and even ruled parts of it. As we have seen, Greek colonists brought with them the cults of the Olympic Pantheon, and this included Herakles as well. In context to Greco-Bactria and the early Indo-Greeks, Herakles was likely the patron deity of the Euthydemid house, emblazoned upon the coins of both Euthydemus I and Demetrius I, but also later Indo-Greek rulers like Menander I and Lycaeus I. Alexander the Argeate claimed descent from Herakles, and the use of this imagery may be a deliberate callback. It is fitting that Herakles occupies the reverse side of Demetrius' famous elephant-scalped tetradracons, one Greek conqueror of India paralleling the other. A bronze statuette of Herakles, posed in a similar manner as the images on Euthydemus' coins, has been discovered in I Canun. Such royal associations could also be because Herakles was formerly a superhuman before achieving godhood upon his death after accomplishing his twelve labors, and it resonated with the concept of apotheosis, a common idea shared among Hellenistic monarchs who believed that they could become divine upon their deaths. He was also popular among Hellenistic Iranian rulers as well, most famously exemplified by the dramatic reliefs at Mount Nemrut, where King Antiochus of Comagene shakes the hand of Herakles. Clearly, there was no shortage of examples related to the itinerant strongman, and the imagery and power of a conquering hero would appeal to highly militarized societies and kings who waged war near constantly. Buddhism generally does not carry such connotations in its belief structure, so Herakles seems like a slightly unorthodox choice. But the adoption of Herakles did not occur in a vacuum, and he was conveniently co-opted into Buddhist mythology thanks to the existence of Bodhisattvas. Essentially translating to persons on the path of awakening, Bodhisattvas are beings that have come close to attaining enlightenment, but remain transfixed to the mortal realm to serve as avatars of virtues or stages of Mahayana Buddhism. Each Bodhisattva usually carries some sort of striking or exaggerated visual motif, in contrast to the relatively simple asceticism of the Buddha himself. One of these is a figure named Vajrapani. In earlier instances, Vajrapani was a yaksha, a fierce nature spirit that was eventually persuaded to become a member of the Buddha's cadre and eventually his bodyguard. To defend the Buddha against any possible threats, he wields the Vajra, a thunderbolt weapon that was previously associated with the Vedic Indra. It becomes clear that there are a large number of parallels between Vajrapani and Herakles that would lend to the association between the two. Both enforce order using their strength and martial prowess against demons and monsters who would seek to corrupt or destroy. Each achieves a sort of redemption in their stories, with Herakles undertaking the twelve labors to cleanse himself of the madness-induced murder of his family before ascending to godhood, and Vajrapani forsaking his wild and malicious history as a yaksha to walk the path to enlightenment by smiting the enemies of the Buddha. Through his association with Hellenistic monarchy, Herakles invokes royal power, while Vajrapani achieves a similar position by representing the power of the teachings of the Buddha, who was often depicted using royal imagery. Since Gandhara served as the seat of the Indo-Greek kings, it is logical that the later Buddhist patrons and artists of the region would find Herakles to be an attractive figure to adapt for their own purposes. What did Herakles Vajrapani look like? Herakles himself has a couple different incarnations in the Greek world, so it is not surprising that the Gandharan artists were not always consistent with their presentation, but generally speaking, it is quite easy to identify those characteristics. Most of the time, Herakles Vajrapani has a full beard, but clean-shaven versions have also been found. Alexander famously minted coins with a beardless and youthful Herakles. Herakles' iconic weapon is what we typically think of a club, a piece of wood that gradually gets wider from the handle to the club head. The Vajra, by contrast, is usually held in the middle, with two oblong ends. Gradually, the Vajra loses its thunderbolt origin and becomes a bludgeoning weapon. In addition to his club, we often see the realistic depiction of his heavily muscular body, sometimes completely nude in Hellenistic fashion, but also carrying his iconic cloak, fashioned from the remains of the Nemean lion. As Buddhism spread throughout East Asia, so too did Herakles Vajrapani. Herakles was no longer viewed as the Greek demigod, but many of his more Hellenic traits may have continued to manifest. In China, Vajrapani was depicted wearing Herakles' cloak, though the skin of the Nemean lion was replaced with that of a regionally appropriate tiger, becoming a popular tomb guardian during the Tang period. It is also quite possible that these tiger warriors may actually just be artistic renderings of equipment used by Sui and Tang soldiers, much like the animal-themed headgear worn by Roman aquilifers, as famously depicted on Trajan's column. But the presence of the club in conjunction with the tiger or lion cloak is quite the coincidence. Buddhist temples in Japan often have their doorways flanked by a pair of large, intimidating guardian figures known as Neo, yet another incarnation of the Vajrapani. They still possess the exaggerated musculature of Herakles, and even with some of the stylized poses, but they are distinctively more East Asian in design and characteristics. With cults also found in Roman Britain, Herakles lives up to his reputation as a world traveler, spanning the entire breadth of Eurasia. While that is not to say that Herakles was worshipped as such in India, China, or Japan, many of the Greco-Roman elements persisted in a medium and through various levels of syncretism. Perhaps even more so than Herakles, the god Dionysus became greatly associated with India, especially after the campaigns of Alexander, who chose him as a principal deity to venerate. Alexander's companions were said to have held Dionysian parties in honor of the god upon seeing the presence of Ivy at the city of Nysa in modern Jalalabad. While he rarely appeared on coins, he was likely worshipped among the Greco-Bactrians and Indo-Greeks as well. A later source suggests that a temple of Dionysus was established at Nysa that was still being attended to in the mid-1st century AD. In Gandhara, Dionysiac scenes often served as a common subject matter to depict, especially on wall friezes, the so-called toilet trays, and metalwork. But what makes something Dionysiac? As the god of wine, drinking and revelry usually is the main theme of the work. The figures in these scenes are often dressed in Greek or Roman costume. Drinking and foray in bowls like the krater, acrobats, dancers, and musicians play trumpets and cymbals in ecstatic rites. Satyrs, plump half-men, half-goats, renowned for their alcoholic tendencies and lecherous nature, appear in significant numbers. Border scrolls decorated the background and edges, using vines and bunches of grapes to emphasize the befuddling atmosphere. It may seem contradictory for Buddhism, famous for its adherence to ascetic and minimalist lifestyles, to decorate temple images that celebrate more earthly pleasures like debauchery, excess, and gluttony, or to celebrate a cult of a Greek god. But in the context of Gandharan art, these Dionysiac scenes need not be interpreted as a veneration of Dionysus, but instead the joyous festivities that Dionysian scenes are intended to represent. In many occasions, these renderings would have been placed at the base of the stairs leading up to the stupa that housed the holy relics. In some sense, this can symbolize the jubilation of the journey of enlightenment, or rather the happiness that was the byproduct of enlightenment. There are also similar parallels in Indian art. Depictions of yakshas cavorting and drinking in dynamic poses, so the association is quite understandable. The Indo-Greek rulers almost certainly possessed a Greco-Macedonian drinking culture, and the royal connotations of such festivities and their connection to Dionysus was likely recognized by Gandharan patrons who wished to repurpose it for the Buddha. Heracles and Dionysus could be appropriated to tell stories that were markedly Indian in character, but the artists of were also willing to incorporate various other mythological creatures. Hippocampi, nereids, and ichthyocentaurs all appear as decorative elements. Instead of holding up the globe, the Titan Atlas is often shown holding up three celestial wheels to represent the Buddha in the past, present, and future. One of the most fascinating reliefs to be ever discovered in Gandhara, specifically at the site of Charsadha, currently housed in the British Museum, is a scene from some sort of story. The sculpture in question shows three men, dressed in Greco-Roman clothing, while an accompanying woman, who is more Indian in pose and costume, raises her arms above her head, watching in alarm as these men pull an effigy of a horse on wheels into the nearby city gates. By any measure, this is almost certainly a scene from the Trojan Cycle, perhaps an Indian Cassandra vainly warning her countrymen of the duplicity of the Achaeans who have hidden inside the Trojan horse. In my opinion, this is strong evidence that Gandharan sculptures and patrons did not just borrow designs from art that they imported from trade with Rome, but were actively aware of the stories they were borrowing from, in this case, the work of Homer, and it was likely a consequence of centuries of Greek rule.