Fall of Edessa - Event Triggering the Second Crusade - Medieval History

The City of Edessa, Christmas Day, 1144. The Muslim miners are digging tunnels beneath the city in order to undermine its walls, getting closer to their objective day by day. In desperation, the Christian defenders build counter-tunnels, with both sides trying to destroy each other's progress. Though the efforts of the civilians of Edessa are valiant, they are ultimately for naught. Eventually, after 4 weeks of siege, the wall section near the Gate of the Hours collapses. The roar of crumbling stones is met with joyful enthusiasm from the Muslims and cries of despair from the Christians. Filled with religious zeal, the Seljuk and Kurdish warriors rush through the gap. The final showdown between the Muslims and the Christians of Edessa was about to begin. Welcome to our latest video on the Second Crusade. In today's episode, we will continue to chronicle the rise of Emad ad-Din Zengi and his dynasty, culminating in the dramatic fall of the first Crusader center in the Levant. 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No sooner had Zengi managed to score a victory at Monferog Castle against King Fulk, was the Atabeg face with a new threat that jeopardized his newfound position of strength, for after years of silence, the Byzantine Empire was about to make its move. To better understand Eastern Roman involvement in the Outremer, we must go back to the events of 1118. With the death of the Emperor Alexios Komnenos, the throne in Constantinople was inherited by his son John II. The newly ascended emperor proved to be an energetic military commander, just like his father had been. During the first 10 years of his reign, John's attention revolved around securing the Empire's western frontier. Only after dealing with Normans, Pechenegs, Serbs, and Hungarians was the Roman Emperor finally able to turn his eyes towards the East. Flash forward to the 1130s and John II took his first steps into the lands of the Outremer by launching a series of campaigns against the Danishmenids. Emboldened by his army's successes on the field, John Komnenos resolved to reconquer all the lands his empire had lost to the Seljuks and the Latins in the previous few decades. By marching through Anatolia, he subjugated the Cilician coast and eventually reached the city of Antioch on the 29th of August 1137. By that time, Antioch was defenseless due to the absence of its prince Remor of Poitiers, who had just been engaged in folk's rescue at Montferrand. Rather than waiting for Remor to return, John Komnenos pressed his advantage and laid siege to the city. On his way back from Montferrand, Remor heard the news that his city was under attack and managed to sneak back inside Antioch by slipping through the Iron Gate, after which he reassumed command of the city and prepared its defenses. As the missiles thrown by the Byzantine machine engines continued to pound the walls of Antioch, Remor finally received an offer from the Byzantine Emperor stating that he could receive the prestigious title of Imperial Vicar and keep the principality in exchange for becoming the Emperor's vassal. As no aid was coming from folk, Remor reluctantly decided to pay homage to the Emperor. In a humiliating ceremony, the Prince of Antioch, abandoned by his King, had to swear an oath of loyalty to John II. Thereafter, the Roman Emperor conscripted Remor to join him in his planned campaign against Zengi. Upon hearing the news, Zengi grew alarmed, for he knew that confronting such a vast army would be madness. Not planning to make the same mistake Al-Basuki did, he immediately lifted his siege of Homs in an attempt to avoid open battle at all costs, while delegating part of his force to Sawa to defend Aleppo. This would be a prudent move on Zengi's part, for after John's temporary actions in Cilicia aimed at pacifying the Armenian Rabbinids, the Emperor launched his offensive. On the 1st of April 1138, John II left Antioch together with Remor, Joslon II, and an added contingent of Templar knights. At first, everything went according to plan. After seizing Balat, the Christian force moved on Aleppo, and by the 20th of April, the Byzantine-Latin alliance stood under the city walls and its heavily defended citadel. However, the Emperor's attempts to seize Aleppo failed. Thereafter, the Angus John II moved against the neighbouring border fortresses of Athareb, Maratan-Numan, and Kavatab, all of which he captured in a single march. After this, the Byzantine alliance attacked Shajzar, a city which belonged to the Munkerdites. The city's ruler, Emir Abu Asakir Sultan, was neutral in the conflict, but Shajzar was strategically important, for it could block Zengi's further advance into Syria. Moreover, John wanted to honour his word with Remor, having promised the city to him. The Greek and Frankish armies began besieging Shajzar, and its walls soon fell due to intensive bombardment from catapults and trebuchets. Christian soldiers poured in, and the lower city was taken, with only its citadel still standing. The rapid progress of the siege on Shajzar terrified Remor. If the city were reduced to ruins, as John II was well on his way to doing, Shajzar would be of no use to Remor. Thus, he decided not to honour his obligations to the Basileus and ordered his troops to stay in their camp. He was joined in this by Joslon II, who hated the idea of Shajzar and Aleppo being given to Remor. Instead of taking part in the siege, both Latin princes refused to join the ongoing battle, reportedly playing dice in their tents as the siege dragged on. Seeing the division in the Christian camp, Zengi decided to make his move. In order to gather more troops to fight the Byzantine Emperor, he sent messengers to Baghdad, requesting the Sultan to launch a holy war. The Sultan agreed, granting Zengi the title of Champion of Islam. It didn't take long before Seljuk contingents arrived from all corners of the empire to aid the Atabeg in his fight against the infidels. Having amassed a sizeable force, Zengi left the siege of Homs and moved on to Shajzar. With his army divided and enemy reinforcements fast approaching, Emperor John lifted the siege. After spending the years of 1139 and 1140 campaigning against the Danish Menids, Emperor John Komnenos returned to Antioch to reaffirm Roman power in Syria. Unbeknownst to his vassal Remor, the Emperor then moved through the upper Ammanus mountain range to suddenly appear near the Odessan Tebessal. This shocked Joshua II, who paid homage and gave his daughter Isabella to the Byzantines as a hostage. With Odessa subdued, John moved against Antioch, demanding that Remor hand the city over to him. When Remor refused, Emperor John Komnenos declared war on Antioch. However, due to supply shortages, the Byzantine army did not lay siege to the city proper. Instead, they chose to pillage the Antiochian countryside and return to Anatolia. While passing through Cilicia, John II sent an embassy to King Fulk of Jerusalem, requesting permission to visit the holy sites in the city and inviting the King of Jerusalem to discuss an alliance against the Muslims. In response, Fulk replied that the Holy Land was too poor to sustain such a vast Byzantine army. However, if the Emperor wanted to visit the Holy Land with a small escort, he would gladly meet him. John's answer never came, as he was preoccupied with his succession. Then, on the 8th of April 1143, Emperor John II died in a hunting accident in Pamphylia, never reaching Antioch. John II's death saved both Zengi and the Latin ultramare. However, in the vacuum the Eastern Romans left, it was Zengi who came out with the upper hand. The Latin states were too weakened to resist Zengi due to internal and external pressures, and with the Byzantine threat gone, no one could challenge the Atabeg's hunger for power. Freed from the Byzantine threat, Zengi focused his efforts on further expansion, with his first order of business being to deal with Damascus. Sensing the opportunity to interfere with Burid internal politics once again, Zengi married the widowed mother Zemurud in 1138, for which he received the city of Homs as a dowry in exchange for Montferrand. This unexpected meddling in Damascene affairs was extremely worrying for the Burid military Mamluk class, including the governor of Montferrand, Muin al-Din Unur. Contrary to Zengi's expectations, Unur did not obediently make for Montferrand upon his appointment. Instead, he went to Damascus, and in 1139, indirectly orchestrated the assassination of the Burid prince Shehab ad-Din Mahmud. After successfully slaying the prince, Unur asked Mahmud's younger brother, Muhammad, to take power in Damascus. This development cost Zengi a potential puppet. The Atabeg responded by using his wife Zemurud's support inside the Emirate of Damascus to move against the Burid capital by the end of August 1139. On his way to seize Damascus, Zengi laid siege to Balbek. However, despite an intensive bombardment, Balbek's walls did not budge. After a prolonged two-month siege, the town finally agreed to surrender on the 10th of October. Ibn al-Khalanisi records that as part of their terms for surrender, the citizens of Balbek demanded that Zengi swear an oath on the Quran that he would spare the city's defenders. Zengi agreed and took a pledge, but as soon as Balbek opened its gates and laid down their arms, Zengi ordered them to be detained and crucified. According to historians like Kenneth M. Setton and Paul M. Cobb, Zengi most likely did this to break the Damascene spirit. Despite his intentions, the city of Damascus did not falter. Even worse for the Atabeg, the massacre of Balbek put a huge strain on Zengi's reputation as the champion of Islam. The only thing the Atabeg could do was to install a loyal governor to guard this vital town. Its rule was given to Saladin's father, Nejem al-Din, which gave the Ayyubid family its first foothold in the Outremer. The next target for Zengi after Balbek was Damascus itself. Using the massacre of the town to his advantage, Unur managed to convince the court in Damascus to rally against Zengi. As the siege dragged on for over six months, Unur further solidified his rule by killing Muhammad and installing the emir's immature son Mujir ad-Din Abaq to rule in his place. However, this did not help slow down the progress of Zengi's siege engines. Sensing the allies' need, Unur proposed an unusual solution. He sent emissaries to Jerusalem and began talks with King Fulk of Jerusalem, offering 20,000 besants and the return of Banias in return for military aid against their common enemy, Zengi. Having experienced the Atabeg's expansion firsthand, King Fulk agreed to aid his longtime rival. Thus, the official alliance between Jerusalem and Damascus was formed. Shortly after the alliance was ratified, Jerusalem's army marched out from the holy city and soon entered Galilee, where the Damascene army was ready to sally out upon their arrival. Not wanting to risk being trapped between the hammer and the anvil, Zengi withdrew from Damascus to Aleppo, securing Balbek and Banias along the way. After a brief meeting between Fulk and Unur east of Lake Hula, they jointly moved on the fortress of Banias, which was still used as a raiding base by the Zengid garrison stationed there. Its commander, Ibrahim ibn Tughut, attempted to divert the Damascene-Jerusalem allied army by initiating a raid which went as far as Tyre. Tughut's initiative was very short-lived. As he raided the Tyre countryside, he was met with the host of Remor of Poitiers, who had come to aid Fulk. A small battle ensued between the Antiochians and Zengids, during which Ibrahim ibn Tughut was killed and his forces routed. As soon as Remor joined Fulk and Unur's armies, they jointly besieged Banias, which was depleted of its troops, and surrendered quickly. To honor this agreement, the city was handed over to Fulk, after which they vigorously exchanged embassies, only further tightening the relations between Damascus and Jerusalem. The alliance between Jerusalem and Damascus forced Zengi to postpone his plans for the Latins and Damascus, as between the years of 1141 to 1143, Zengi had to defend himself against Sultan Masud, who was eager to punish the unruly lord of Aleppo and Mosul. In order to avoid spreading his forces thin, Zengi acknowledged the Sultan's rule and paid tribute to him. Through this, Zengi averted the risk of a possible invasion from Iraq. Without the significant threat of a common enemy looming, the alliance between the Latin states began to fade, as each lord returned to their own matters. King Fulk planned to strengthen his own domain, building more castles and ensuring security in the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Furthermore, Fulk further integrated lands south of the Dead Sea and Outre-Jordan into his realm by raising the massive fortresses of Montreal and Carac. These castles allowed him to successfully control passages between Egypt and Arabia and allowed for a better connection with the Latin outpost at Alia in the Gulf of Aqaba. Fulk's plans for further strengthening Jerusalem were suddenly cut short by sudden events near Acre. There, the king attempted to join Queen Melisande on a royal picnic organized outside the city, during which Fulk's horse suddenly tripped and fell together with the king. Having sustained severe injuries, the king died a few days later. Although Fulk had strengthened the position of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, he had largely neglected to shore up the Latin frontier in northern Syria. The burden of this task now fell on Queen Melisande, who succeeded Fulk after his death. However, because of the pressure of Jerusalem's barons, she was forced to share her power with her elder son Baldwin III. In the upcoming years, this unusual division of Jerusalem's kingship would only increasingly sour the relationship between the mother and her son. The timing of King Fulk's death couldn't have been worse for the crusader states, as the relations between the crusader states had existed only as a formality, and with the monarch of Jerusalem dead, they had practically become non-existent. The ties that bonded the crusader states throughout the reign of Baldwin I of Bouillon and Baldwin II Le Bourg were no longer present. Instead of allegiances, only alliances remained, which were mostly regarded by the Latin rulers as nothing more than obstacles to be circumvented. Petty feuds between Remor of Poitiers and Joslon II threatened to plunge Latin northern Syria into an open war. Freed from Byzantine domination, Remor attacked Armenian Cilicia and annexed a significant part of it. In addition, he retook Bizaar from Zengi and absorbed it into his Antiochian domains. Thereafter, Beaumont intended to attack Aleppo, which was governed by Zengi's general Tsawa. Initially, Joslon agreed to a joint attack on the city, but on his way, he changed his mind, signing a truce with Zengi. The reason for Joslon's decision to abandon Remor's plans remains debatable. However, it is very likely that this event sparked vicious animosity between the prince and the count. In response, Remor spoke openly about his disdain for Joslon. However, it was Joslon who had the last laugh. In 1144, the new Byzantine emperor Manuel Komnenos deployed a large force and retook Cilicia, forcing Remor to flee back behind the walls of Antioch. This clear lack of cooperation between Remor and Joslon would soon prove to be a grave error, not only for themselves, but also for the entire Latin Outremer. While the Christian states feuded amongst themselves, Zengi was carefully monitoring the situation. With the Byzantines not interested in the Levant anymore and the Kingdom of Jerusalem embroiled in internal affairs, the Atabeg could finally make his counterattack against the Latins. Being able to renew the narrative around the Holy War, he gathered a massive army of supporters willing to repel Franks from Syria once and for all. Many Turkoman soldier horsemen rode from all corners of the empire to answer Zengi's call for jihad. He managed to assemble a massive army from all corners of his Zengid state, such as Syria, modern-day Kurdistan, and the Upper Tigris. All of these warriors were eager to follow Zengi's command. The only question remained, where would Zengi lead them? Ever since its establishment in 1098, the county of Edessa had been a thorn in the Seljuk's side. It was also the most remote crusader state in the Outremer, which made it an easier target for the Atabeg. Thus, Zengi declared that the target of his jihad would be Edessa. This jihad started with Zengi testing the waters of the Edessan defenses by sending a part of his force to raid the territory of Diabakir, which was ruled by an Artukid Atabeg allied with Joslon. Just as Zengi predicted, the Count of Edessa soon heard of this attack and marched out from Edessa with the full force of the county behind his back. Historian Stephen Runciman argues that Joslon attempted to intercept Zengi's supply lines from Aleppo, perhaps hoping to dictate a field battle for Zengi. Ultimately, the decision to call the entire power of Edessa proved to be a costly mistake. As the Count marched south, the Zengid army was not to be found. Overall, Zengi proved to be the better tactician. The Atabeg of Mosul and Aleppo had been well-informed about Edessan movements by the Turkoman's patrols near Harran, and after Joslon had departed his city, he saw his chance to take Edessa itself. Outsmarting his younger adversary, Zengi used his scouts for ports to bypass Edessa's army and border forts to attack Edessa head-on. Using forced march and intensive pressure, the Zengid army reached the walls of Edessa by the 28th of November 1144. Due to Joslon calling upon his every knight and footman to help the Artikids, the city of Edessa had been left defenseless. The Christian populace, terrified at the sight of Zengi's army, attempted to organize themselves against the upcoming struggle. The siege preparations were led by the Catholic Archbishop Hugh II, with the aid of the Armenian Bishop John and the Jacobite Bishop Basil. Together, they convinced all of the religious groups to fight for their city and man its walls. Seeing no use in the element of surprise, Zengi hoped to spread distrust between each Christian group inside the city. However, despite some differences, the clergy of the different Christian denominations inside the city united in the city's defense. Though ill-equipped, unprepared, and outnumbered, the people of Edessa were willing to buy as much time as possible for Joslon's arrival. Thus, the siege began with the report of Zengid artillery, as experienced Zengid engineers subjected the city to a bombardment. The Atabeg also ordered them to dig tunnels under Edessa's walls. News of the siege eventually reached Count Joslon. At first, he rushed his forces back towards Edessa, but on his way, he changed his mind and retreated back to Terbesil. Joslon's decision not to aid his own capital brought him much heavy scrutiny. In William of Tyre's accounts, the Archbishop saw his actions as nothing more but an act of cowardice. However, it should be noted that Joslon didn't possess enough troops to confront Zengi, who had a large army gathered from all across the Muslim world. By moving his headquarters to Terbesil behind the Euphrates, Joslon II was potentially preparing for an eventual counterstrike. Nevertheless, this act was done at the cost of Edessa, leaving it to Zengi's wrath. When Joslon called upon Antioch for help, his pleas fell on deaf ears. Only Queen Melisande in Jerusalem answered his call, ordering her constable Manasse with his subordinates Philippe of Nablus and Elinor of Beur to raise an army and march to relieve the city. But due to time and distance, it was too little and too late. The only thing Joslon could do was idly wait, as the once mighty Roman city was laid low by the Zengid Atabeg. Meanwhile, the Muslim tunnels began to get closer and closer to the walls of Edessa. In desperation, the Christian defenders built their countertunnels, followed by mine warfare, with each group trying to destroy the other's mineshafts. Although the civilian defense force was valiant, it was spread too thin to guard every stretch of the city's walls. Thus, the attackers began to build the tunnels from the other, less defended side of the wall, masking their progress through an intensive mangonel barrage. After four weeks of siege, the wall section near the Gate of the Hours finally collapsed on Christmas Day of 1144. Seljuk and Kurdish warriors rushed through the gap, and a violent clash between Latin Christians and Muslims began. The Christian citizens of Edessa at first tried to defend the breach, but as the numbers of the Zengid troops flooding through the gap increased, the resistance broke down, and the massacre of the city soon followed. The remaining inhabitants fled to Edessa's citadel, including Archbishop Hugh, who desperately tried to maintain some sense of order. As Zengi entered the city, he ordered the killing and pillaging to be ceased at once. In an act of relative kindness, he decided to spare the city's native Christian populations, but declared that all remaining Franks were to be rounded up and killed, including the Archbishop. Thousands of Catholics were slaughtered on that day, and the great city of Edessa officially fell into Zengi's hands. The fall of Edessa did not fully annihilate the county of Edessa. Juslan still possessed half of his territories behind the Euphrates, and was awaiting potential reinforcements to retake his capital. Nevertheless, the news of Zengi's capture of the city managed to send shockwaves even beyond the lands of the Ultramayor. On the Muslim side, Sultan Masud was initially jealous of Zengi's progress against the Latins. Mahmud II's son, Prince al-Baslan, even tried to impose his rule in Mosul. However, the capture of Edessa changed Zengi's position in the Sultanate, and his followers quickly seized the Sultan, holding him hostage until 1146. This event de facto freed Zengi from his duties as Atabeg, and granted him full independence from Seljuk rule from Baghdad. Further benefits soon followed, as Zengi's efforts were even recognized by the Caliph himself, who honored the Atabeg by sending lavish gifts and honors, proclaiming him the champion of Sunni Islam. Zengi's call to action, now blessed by the Caliph himself, would result in the centralization of the many small Seljuk states in Syria into a single powerhouse, the Zengid dynasty, a state which had become an existential threat to the Crusader states. The loss of Edessa proved to be absolutely devastating for the Franks. One of the most major Christian states in the region was now in the hands of the Muslims, in no small part due to the Latins' own inability to unite and work together. Overall, the fall of Edessa was a turning point for the fate of the Ultramayor. Zengi's actions stopped the Crusader states' expansion, and created a powerful, centralized state in Syria and northern Iraq that could directly threaten all the Latin states. Even while actively fighting against Damascus and other Muslim powers in the region, Zengi laid a foundation for a role model of a political and religious leader who could unify Sunni Islam against the Crusaders, inspiring future figures such as Nur ad-Din and Salah al-Din to take the fight into the next generation. Moreover, Zengi had proved for the first time since the Battle of Ager-Sanguini that the Latins could be defeated, and if they could be defeated, they could eventually be vanquished from the Levant. In our next video, we will witness how the news of these events would spark a need for a Crusade, the beginning of the Second Crusade. To make sure you don't miss that, make sure you are subscribed and have pressed the bell button. Please, consider liking, subscribing, commenting, and sharing, it helps immensely. Recently, we have started releasing weekly patron and youtube member exclusive content. 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