CPAC BRAZIL 2019 (LIVE)

I'm going to say it's worth it to keep in mind that these policies that we're in on are not only us, but we're in on them from a different perspective. The way that our country looks at the world is a very positive thing. So, when we go around and say, I'm from the North, I'm from the South, people think that we're globalists. We are not globalists. We are internationalist. We are a nation of globalists. We work together. So, the better we can deal with it, the better we must respect the North and allow the Brazilian people to make their own decisions. I'm going to say it's worth it to keep in mind that these policies that we're in on are not only us, but we're in on them from a different perspective. So, when we go around and say, I'm from the North, I'm from the South, people think that we're globalists. We are internationalist. We work together. CPEC takes place since 1973 in the United States. So, here in Brazil, we're a few decades behind. But there is a very important distinction between, for example, what is the CPEC event and what is, for example, the São Paulo Forum. The São Paulo Forum is an event by the left, a socialist, that aims to reach power. Not this event here. In this event, we're going to exchange ideas and experiences to know what it's like to be a conservative, how, and what we do in politics, how you behave and defend conservative flags. So, it's much more about your identity than something political to reach power. But this also demonstrates a criticism to us, conservatives. The left is much better organized. And it organizes itself on a global level. Many times, what goes on the São Paulo Forum goes on Le Monde in France, on The Guardian in England, on The New York Times in the United States, while here in Brazil, we don't have this whole structure. I was just talking in my room with a Chilean, Antonio Castro, former senator of Chile, who was a candidate for the last presidential elections there. And we were looking for a way to organize ourselves to have contact. Because many times, the Chilean press, a good part of it, blocks certain facts. It doesn't reach people. For example, Leo Pinheiro's appeal in the OAS, they want to know more details, more information. And there's no coverage as expected as they wanted. So, in this moment, this rise of the right, which is a response to the left, we're also organizing ourselves. I'm talking to Matt Lab, I'm talking to Salvini in Italy, I'm talking to Castro in Chile, and so we're also organizing ourselves on a global level. But Brazil is certainly far behind in this regard. I'll pass it to Matt Lab. Yeah, that's right. So, Eduardo, first of all, let me say, I did start off by saying it's an honor to be here. We have had a great time since we've been on the ground. Our vice chairman is sitting back there in the back of the room, Charlie Giroux. Charlie Giroux was born in Brazil and spent his first two years of life in this country, so it's a very special thing for him to be back in Brazil. So, Charlie, I'm glad you're here. So it's our great honor to be here. And all I can do is share our experiences from these other countries. We're going to have a great experience here in Brazil with what's happening. We went to Australia and we ran into hundreds of Antifa protesters. We thought Antifa, this anti-fascist, radical and violent left-wing group, we thought it was just in America. It turns out it's in other places. I've sat down at CPAC events and talked to parents and grandparents, and they've talked about their sadness of what's happening in their school systems and in public schools, that their kids spend more time learning about global warming than they do about their country's history or how to do math or how to understand science, that the politicization of our kids is so rampant that they're fearful that their kids won't grow up to know, have knowledge to be successful in the economy. And we all know this. I'm sure you have the same problem here, Eduardo, that the kids who are graduating in America are graduating with degrees that have nothing to do with the jobs that are available to them. It's a big joke in America that when you go to college and you spend, in America, $50,000, $60,000 a year, you do it for four years, five years, then you come back and you move in with your parents and debate stuff because what you've learned doesn't comport to reality. This is a problem we're seeing in country after country. So here are a few takeaways. No offense to anybody who's in public office, which is, I think, an honorable calling, but this idea that an outsider comes into politics, in America we would say it's very American. Our founders were people who saw a problem and they stepped up and they wanted to stand up for their laws and for their values. And that has been the American democratic experience. The more our democracy, our republic in America, has been professionalized by professionalized politicians who speak in a certain way, who act in a certain way, what we have seen in America is that means government grows, that means the left makes more and more progress, and our traditions and an understanding of our founding and our laws begins to reduce in society. This is happening all over the globe. And what conservatives in these countries, they feel like they're alone. When you talk to conservatives in Japan who fear an aggressive China, they feel like they're alone. Everybody feels like they're alone because when they pick up their newspaper and they watch television, they see a reality that doesn't comport to their lives. They see stories portrayed as facts that they know are not factual. And they don't know where to go. They are excited. They are pumped up at the idea that other freedom-loving countries have the same issues, and that if your father can win here, and Donald Trump can win in America, and Mr. Abe can win in Japan, and the conservatives, what they call the liberals as you do here in Australia, can have victories in Australia, if Nigel Farage can push back on Brussels and actually have Brexit in the UK, what that means is ordinary men and women are saying no. We would say in our conservative tradition, they're standing afoot history and saying stop. We're not going to let you take over our country. We're not going to let you change everything. We're not going to let you tell us there's 36 genders. We're not going to let you tell us that what's false is true, and what's true is false. We're not going to let you tell us that our country and its founding was racist and terrible and evil, although we had many problems with our founding. We're not going to let you run down our country, and we're not going to let you overwhelm our country with illegal immigration that flouts our laws to the point where you have more people coming illegally than legally. This is the revolt. This is the protest. It is not an American protest. It is not just about Donald Trump. It is happening all over the globe, and it is a very, very good thing, and it is our honor to play a small role in making sure that this is happening. There are two questions in sequence. First, how was the negotiation process to bring the CPEC event to Brazil? This is the first time CPEC has been held in Brazil, and CPEC has been held in other Latin American countries, in the first place. Second, is there an intention, in fact, to participate in Eduardo's event? Do you understand that there is a need to create, respecting the legislation of each country, obviously, a structured, organized movement, organically structured, of a conservative, right-wing nature, at least in the Latin American continent. The American continent involves Latin America, the United States, Canada, Mexico, Peru, at least in the Americas. Is there a perspective of having, effectively, an organizational political structure, respecting the laws of each country, of a conservative, right-wing nature? Is this the perspective you put forth? Thank you very much. Excuse me, I have to ask you to go directly, but we have to go fast. Thank you. Thank you, Paula Enéas. Actually, we met at the Blair House, in the United States, but I have a friend, his name is André, and he talked a lot about CPEC. He showed me some videos, he showed me the conservative event that we had to bring to Brazil. I don't remember exactly who introduced us, but if I'm not mistaken, the first time we met was at the Blair House. There was a lot of chemistry, a relationship was born, and today we're getting married. This ring is from Eloisa, but today we're getting married with Netslap. And it also came from this need. As Netslap said earlier, people get angry when you look at one thing and they want to tell you it's another. I look at the blue sky and they want to tell me it's red. I look at the round circle and they want to tell me it's square. I look at a girl and they want me to treat her like a boy. This is an aggression against us. So in this sense, we talked, there was a natural convergence of ideas, and from then on, we started our negotiations to try to bring CPEC to Brazil. In these negotiations, it was essential, and I would like to thank Antônio Rueda, the guy from Fundação Endigo, the vice-president of PSL, a person I'm very grateful to. If it weren't for him, this event wouldn't be taking place here in São Paulo. And going to the second question, this is the core of this organization. Here are the people who, in the corridors, will exchange contacts and will make other CPECs in their states, in their cities, to exchange experiences, the people from Direita Minas will see how this work was done by Direita Minas, how they were able to elect some parliamentarians, how this organization is done, it's a WhatsApp group, and that's how this movement was born. So I certainly believe that today, here in Brazil, we're making history, bringing the biggest conservative event in the world to Brazil. And in relation to other countries, I'm going to pass the question to Matt Ladd. I'm sure it's impressive for all of you. If you walk around, you see all the people, a lot of young people that are milling around the conference. It's impressive. You're going to love seeing the whole setup when you get in the room. So, this is impressive mostly, especially because it's your first year. In Japan, we've done three CPAC Japans, and each year it's gotten much bigger and much better. You know, every country is a little bit unique. Some of these countries, there's no association with any political party or any political leader. It's literally just grassroots people coming together to try to learn about conservatism and this philosophy. Some people don't use the word conservative in their politics. It's a word that doesn't mean much, but the philosophy behind it means a lot. Classical liberalism. In America, something strange happened. The conservatives used to be blue and then the liberal media made us be red. Well, red was the color of communists, but now they stuck us with red and then they took the word liberal away, which was a great word, right? Which meant that you use your reason to solve problems and you learn things so that you can improve the human condition and society will create culture and pass it on to kids and grandkids. Well, they stole the word liberal and then we had to figure out in the 1950s this word conservative. Some of the words aren't as important as the philosophies behind it, but each country also has a unique struggle. In Asia, especially when we went to Hong Kong, think about that. The democracy leaders in Hong Kong invited CPAC to go to the streets of Hong Kong and stand with them. Very emotional when you see these young students standing up for democracy, standing up against the tyranny of the Beijing regime, and looking to Americans, looking to the West to stand with them. And they quote the founders, America's founders in the streets of Hong Kong. And in America, we're taking down the statues of our founders and removing them from our history books because our children are being told that they're bad people. But the young people in Hong Kong look at the founders of America and say, these are freedom fighters. These are people we should admire and we should understand what they fought for and fight for in a similar way in Hong Kong. So it's different everywhere you go, but I have to say, so far, being on the ground here, number one, there is a similarity between the politics of your country and our country. There's definite similarities. There's similarities in the presence. There's definite similarities. There is a desire to not have the government solve all the problems and not have all the professional politicians always lead the way. In America, I think the most exciting thing is that somebody with a big social media presence or who runs a group like a non-profit has a bigger impact on politics than some of our elected officials. People hate that who have been involved in politics for a long time. I think it's regrettable. We have to prevent any kind of waste. It's his opinion, I don't know how to do it, but I believe that the moment I get in the way, I think the president himself will pull the plug. That's my opinion. But we talk in person and I'll let you know. I just called you guys. Sorry, here, SPAC. Sorry, but SPAC. You can do this interview somewhere else. We are working on SPAC. Pass it to someone else, please. We are working Well, I'm going to be honest with you, it's my first time being in South Carolina. My wife is here, she is Cuban American. So we have great interest in what's going on, obviously, in the South of America. The communist experience is very real for us. Her father spent six years in a Cuban prison because he tried to fight back against the communists. So when I see those Hong Kong kids, that really speaks to me. It really speaks to all of us who love freedom and democracy. When you have socialism taking root in America, this is what I understand. We are this close, a few steps away, from the American government for the very first time electing somebody, potentially electing somebody, I don't think it will happen, but it's as close as we've ever come to electing somebody who actually endorses the concept of socialism. That, my friends, for Americans, that is scary. So when we see that happening with these important countries in this neighborhood, in this continent, and nearby, we believe that the best disinfectant against communism, whether it's from Beijing, or from Havana, or Venezuela, or these insurgent movements inside all these countries, the best disinfectant, the best barrier, is a strong America. It's not a strong America with the military that takes over these countries. It's a strong America that projects the values that the individual is king, that free markets result in prosperity for people, that people should govern their own lives. So absolutely, if we come to Brazil, Eduardo, and we fail to explain to the people here, who are gathered here, the threat of communism and socialism and Marxism and collectivism and Leninism, and how it fails every time, every single time. It brings human misery wherever it goes. It's the worst virus you could ever think of. And I think that people who have to experience this, even in small measures, realize that it's not the right way to go. And absolutely, that's our goal. Our goal is to work with people, to educate them about the right way to solve their problems and the wrong way to solve their problems. And the most pernicious thing going on in America is this whole concept that fossil fuels are evil, that the Green New Deal is where our prosperity will be found. My friends, we will all be riding bicycles. We will have windmills on the tops of our homes. When we do use fossil fuels, their prices will be four, five, six, seven times more expensive. And who does it hurt the most? The poorest, the middle class, the immigrants, the entrepreneurs starting a small business. They use words, they kind of wordsmith it to try to make us accept it. But in the end, if it doesn't result in the individual being able to make all their own choices, including choosing what fuel they will use, they don't have those choices. Their future is bleaker. And we want to fight it. I like the question you asked, talking a little bit about the influence of the United States, along with other countries in the region, to say that we want to rescue good international diplomacy. Senator Rui Barbosa, even after his death, was very important in the pre-World War II. Right before the World War II, Brazil was walking a path that many said would bring us closer to the Nazis. Others said it would bring us closer to the North Americans. And in the end, after Oswaldo Aranha's work, the emblematic meeting between President Roosevelt and President Chutuli Vargas at Christmas, we walked the path of the United States. Why? Because we believed. We saw a country where democracy worked, where the defense of individual freedoms worked, and now we have the same kind of approach to fight against Nazism as well as against fascism, so as not to allow authoritarian systems to return here, so that no one thinks it is seductive to have a country where individual freedom is small and the state is large, as it is, for example, in China, mentioned here by Matt Schlapp, or as it is in Venezuela, for us to be seduced by this kind of regime. So here we work in partnership to avoid this bigger evil, which is authoritarianism, and which is also socialism. Olavo de Carvalho says it very well, Marxism is not an ideology, it is a movement. They are always moving. It started with Karl Marx, then it went on to Lenin, Mao Tse-tung, Stalin, it goes on to Bolivarianism, to 21st century socialism, but it always ends up failing. It always ends up with millions of deaths and miseries. So we want to clarify to society that this is not necessary. We don't need to make mistakes again. We just need to know a little bit of history and remain minimally organized. Do you consider that this event is a hope for people that live in communist countries in Latin America? Yes, absolutely. Like I said, to have America wrestle itself with this idea of fighting back socialism. Think about the American experience. We went and fought in world wars to stop these isms. We don't believe in fascism, we don't believe in communism, we don't believe in socialism. Millions of Americans have died in these battlefields to try to stop it. It is frightening when you see it taking hold in your own country. They use euphemisms. It's all communism, right? But they use euphemisms to try to explain to you that there's this threat. If we don't do these certain things, there'll be a threat to our culture, to our lifestyle, to our economic vitality. It's all the same fight. Does the government do everything? Do individuals get less freedom? So that's the fight we're having in America. The presidential race in 2020 will be whether or not America embraces socialism or stops it. Donald Trump must succeed if you don't believe in socialism. We must succeed. And when we look at these other countries and we see what they're facing. I have great hope that in Venezuela and Cuba, for instance, that the sheer human misery will eventually result in the budding of freedom and a new government that respects people starts to screen their elections. And so throughout the region, this is the most critical thing, the most critical thing, which is sometimes politicians don't say their comments, like Mr. Moon in South Korea. He didn't run on being a communist. He's just acting like a communist now that he's in power in South Korea and he's jailing members of the press and he's trying to chill people's ability to come together and speak their mind politically. He wants to reunify with a communist government in North Korea. How does a democracy and a communist government, how do they unify? Can someone explain that to me? That'd be impossible. You have to pick one system. The democratic system is not compatible with communism. And this is the thing we're facing in America. Some people say, well, America has to change. It has to grow. It has to modernize. It has to understand that the old ways don't work. And we believe, as conservatives, that Americanism and socialism, they are not concepts that can coexist. Can these intrigues lead to a victory at the polls in 2022 because of the division of votes? I don't believe so. I don't believe so, no. Obviously, we're going through a time of speculation. What happened in Brazil was the opposite. How did the PT get to power? They got there organizing the São Paulo polls. And before they got to power, you have a series of debates that sometimes last decades. For you to know who you are, what you want, and how you're going to pursue that goal. In Brazil, things got mixed up. We have a conservative president, but we don't have a big conservative press, a big conservative university. We don't have a big conservative party either. We have the PSL, yes, but we're going through a phase of a certain depuration, where we're identifying ourselves. And at this time, it's normal for this kind of discussion to occur. But, unlike what happens with the left, where debates happen and they hold internally any kind of disagreement, the left does this publicly. So it may seem like a drag, and sometimes it is, but I believe that, in the end, if there is a second round, I, like everyone on the right, so to speak, would vote against the PT again. At least, I have this in mind. In a second round, I would vote against any candidate that was against Radar. And our main goal is to serve the public, to serve the majority of Brazilians. Our goal number one is not to get to power. Our goal number two is to serve the majority of Brazilians. Our goal number three is to serve the majority of Brazilians. Our goal number four is to serve the majority of Brazilians. Our goal number five is to serve the majority of Brazilians. First, I'm very happy to see all of this happening, this room full of people, certainly outside. There are a lot of people, so the expectation is very high. I'd like to take this opportunity to thank Rueda and NETLET for being by my side, essential people for this event. I think that Brazil, in this context, being the first in the region to accede to UNSPEC, this brings leadership to Brazil. You'll see authorities, as I've seen, from Chile, Paraguay, Argentina, the United States, so it's very important, because Brazil is half of South America. What happens here reverberates in the other countries. So the expectation is very high that, after Brazil, we'll have other events like this in the neighboring countries here. And also, as I've said, it's a great opportunity for you to network, to exchange cards, to know who is who and how to make the conservative movement happen. Please, Patrícia, you can go on. Thank you, Eduardo. This is another event. Steve Bannon has nothing to do with the CPEC here. So, our organization is to keep in touch, especially to learn from other people's experiences. I met Matteo Salvini, the first European country I went to this year as president of the Foreign Relations Commission. It was Hungary, from Vitor Orbán, who is another conservative leader. And it's basically this question, Patrícia, the exchange of experiences, learning from other people's mistakes, and knowing how to organize. People are very curious. One of the things I heard the most during the election was people asking me, Eduardo, how can I help your father? So, that's what we're talking about. We don't need to wait for a leader's order to raise our flags and to defend what we believe in. So, CPEC is part of that. It's part of defining our identity, knowing who we are, who are the people we are most similar to. Do I like Bernardo Cristo more? No, I'm going to listen to Casey Dillon's speech. Anyway, it's about opening the horizons and putting people in contact. The next step, of course, will be this organization. Now, the left has put it at this global level. So, we're taking advantage of globalization, not globalism, to make these contacts at a global level as well, for sure. Thank you, Bernardo. Eduardo, tomorrow you'll have the opportunity to make individual speeches. Don't worry. Thank you.