Secretary of State Marco Rubio delivers remarks to the press from the G7 Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Paris, France, on November 9, 2026.
Transcript: https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesman/2026/11/secretary-of-state-marco-rubio-remarks-to-the-press-22/ ---------- Under the leadership of the President and Secretary of State, the U.S. Department of State leads America’s foreign policy through diplomacy, advocacy, and assistance by advancing the interests of the American people, their safety and economic prosperity. On behalf of the American people we promote and demonstrate democratic values and advance a free, peaceful, and prosperous world.
The Secretary of State, appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate, is the President's chief foreign affairs adviser. The Secretary carries out the President's foreign policies through the State Department, which includes the Foreign Service, Civil Service and U.S. Agency for International Development.
The President and his advisors discuss critical foreign policy issues, including diplomatic efforts to end the Ukraine-Russia conflict, opposition to the ICC's jurisdiction, and the regulation of Super Intelligence. The dialogue also covers Iranian hostility, the security crisis in Haiti, UN reform, and the transition of military financing for Israel.
Let's go.
How were your talks today, Mr. President?
Which ones?
We talked a lot today.
No, but did you mention at all
the Ukraine issue with the other ministers?
Well, no, because, I mean, you know,
obviously people bring it up when that comes.
But that will be on the docket tomorrow.
That's part of the program.
So today they focused on S.I.
We focused on global conflicts other than Ukraine
and other than the Middle East.
And then those are going to be breakout sessions tomorrow,
separate sessions tomorrow.
But, you know, I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
I don't know.
And then those are going to be breakout sessions tomorrow,
separate sessions tomorrow.
Obviously, there's a lot of people asking about that.
As you know, our team, as I haven't had a chance to speak to them yet,
but Jared and Steve are in Abu Dhabi today on the trilateral talk,
so hopefully we'll have a good report here soon
and be able to share that with you tomorrow.
And, um...
We'll see how that goes.
Mr. Kushner is in favor of, I mean, he mentioned specifically
that it would be a good idea to have direct European talks with Russia.
Is that an idea you think is good?
We've never been against it.
It's been the Russians that haven't
wanted that, right, up to this point.
But they're there, the national security advisors.
I believe Germany, the UK, and France are in Abu Dhabi,
although I don't believe they're
at the table at this moment, but nonetheless, they've been involved.
They've been involved in all the meetings
in Shell Bay as well down in Florida, so sure,
I mean, ultimately it would be a positive.
I'm positive, but, uh...
We've got a ways to go,
but it's good that the trilateral talks are on again.
It's better than not having talks.
Obviously, it has to produce something, and as you know,
it's been difficult to get anything productive out of that,
but we'll keep trying,
and that's what we've been trying to do the whole time,
is try to be creative and find ways that we can help bring
that conflict and that war to an end.
Secretary Kayakalos.
Look at that suit blue. That's gator blue. I like it.
Go ahead.
Kayakalos today said she wasn't hopeful
for these Abu Dhabi talks because Russia has
shown no sign that it's willing to negotiate in good faith.
Doesn't she have a point?
Every time that the U.S. has offered economic inducements
to Russia or reengaged, they've
just responded with more bombing campaigns, right?
THE PRESIDENT.
Well, look, we're just going to keep trying,
I mean, in terms of – I can totally tell
you that your chances of success are zero if you're not trying.
So we're going to continue to try.
We seem to be the only country in the world
and the president the only leader in the world
that can get the Russians and the Ukrainians to the same table.
I'm going to go to the next table.
But we recognize it will not be easy to reach an end to this.
If it was easy, we would have done it a year and a half ago.
This war is almost going into its sixth year in February.
So we understand the difficulty of it.
But I think the president deserves credit and his team deserves credit
for the amount of time they put into this.
Yes, they were speaking.
Despite the fact that it hasn't proven productive to this point,
at some point this war will end and it will end,
we all believe, through a negotiated agreement.
And so we're going to keep trying. And that's what
that's what's going on today and over the next couple of days.
But, yeah, no, I mean, I think if we don't try,
the chances of it working are zero.
Mr. Secretary, on Jensen Huang,
the president has said today that he thinks he should stay on this.
The head of NVIDIA, the company says there's an investigation.
How important is it that there's a thorough investigation in your view?
I'm not going to comment.
That's an internal corporate matter for them.
So I'm just not going to comment on that topic.
Will he be joining the president in terms of the diplomatic troubles in China?
You have to ask the White House.
I don't, I'm not, you know, I don't handle the.
That's part of our operation, but I just can't comment.
I'm not going to comment at all on the NVIDIA thing.
Q You don't view it as a national security concern?
THE PRESIDENT.
I'm just not going to comment on it.
Q Can I ask you two?
I think there'll be room.
THE PRESIDENT.
And I can't.
And I'm not going to.
So go ahead.
Q Really quick questions.
And I know that you've said over and over again that everyone —
THE PRESIDENT.
So you have two very quick questions?
THE PRESIDENT.
Yeah, they're coming.
THE PRESIDENT.
Okay.
You're going to get, like, one very quick answer.
Go ahead.
THE PRESIDENT.
I'm sure —
THE PRESIDENT.
We had at least two, maybe three foreign ministers today say,
I'm kidding.
yeah, there are questions about
whether the midterms are going to change
the administration's position or strategy on it.
I understand from some of your aides
that this didn't actually come up in conversations
with you, but you are aware that there
are questions about whether this is going to have
I just don't know why that's relevant.
I mean, foreign policy will be what it is.
And so we're not very mysterious about it.
I mean, I think this is a pretty forward-leaning administration.
What I pointed out to you yesterday, I'll point it out again today,
and that is I've been involved in this for a little while now,
and while obviously Congress has a role to play in our foreign policy,
it is the administration at the executive branch
that leads American foreign policy
and, frankly, sets it.
And when we had Democratic presidents and I was in the Senate,
I was reminded of that.
You know, on many occasions we had opinions
about foreign policy, we tried to influence
the foreign policy, but who
is the president will largely determine the direction your
country goes with regards to foreign policy.
And that's the way it's historically
been in American history, that's the way the Constitution
is set up.
So, again, look, Congress has a role to play
in our foreign policy, particularly in what
it funds and in its oversight function.
But the number one factor in determining
the foreign policy of the United States has always
been and will remain the President of the United States.
And then secondly, just because you mentioned it in your tweet about
your meeting with the French foreign minister and a couple
other foreign ministers mentioned it as well, the ICC issue.
Yeah, we raise it everywhere we go,
and that is the ICC is a court that continues to claim –
elements of it continue to claim that they have jurisdiction.
Over individuals and from countries
that are not members of that treaty, and we've tried
for a year and a half to get them to reform a nice way,
and they haven't been willing
to do so.
So we'll have to try a different approach.
But what have you told the Europeans will happen
or may happen if they go ahead
and invoke the statute?
SECRETARY TILLERSON Well, we've already –
SECRETARY POMPEO Well, I'm not going to – I'm not going
to talk about what we might do or not do as a result of it.
Suffice it to say that we believe we can inflict tremendous damage
on the ICC unless they see the error of their ways.
SECRETARY POMPEO A member of the Republican Party,
Thomas Massie, minutes ago introduced a measure
to impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.
As the person who coordinates the interagency policy regarding
U.S. national security, do you have a view regarding
Secretary Hegseth's performance as Secretary of the House?
SECRETARY POMPEO I think he's done a great job.
I mean, I've worked with him every single day on many of these topics.
I've seen the work he does and the professionalism he brings to it.
He's very smart. He works very hard. He puts a lot of hours into this.
And on all the policy issues we've worked on together,
I think he's done a very good job.
On the topic of AIRSI...
Just one question on that.
How concerning is it to you, however, that it was a Republican
who introduced these articles of impeachment against...
I think it's unfair.
Yeah, look, I think Pete's done a good job. I really do.
Again, I work with him, and so I see perhaps
a side of him that the media doesn't see,
a member of the Congress may not see, but I think he works really hard.
He's incredibly smart.
I think he's not just on the issues that we've worked
on together and the execution of it,
but if you think about it, I mean,
he's carried out multiple, the Department of War
and the Pentagon in particular has been responsible for many
of the important things this administration's working on,
whether it's our counter-cartel coalitions
that we have going on in the Western Hemisphere.
He's done a great job with that.
I think the performance, look,
the damage that was inflicted on the Iranian military structures,
they have no Navy, they have no Air Force,
they're deeply degraded from a military standpoint.
They still retain capabilities, obviously, but they
are very degraded from where they were a year ago at this time.
I think the operation they conducted to capture a fugitive
of American justice, Nicolas Maduro, was carried out impeccably.
So, you know, I think...
From the perspective that I sit in and the seat
that I'm in as the National Security
Advisor and Secretary of State for that matter,
Pete has done a very good job.
He really has.
Yes, and you know,
But obviously, politics are politics
and people can have different views, but I can tell you
my perspective from where I sit.
Can you talk about the discussions you had on AI or SI?
It's been a big...
Well, they call it AI, we call it SI.
Sure.
No, look, we had a conversation about it.
I think the point I made in that conversation was,
on the one hand, it's going to happen.
There's no way to stop any technological advance like SI
throughout history is going to happen.
And it's going to have tremendous benefits.
There are good things about it.
They're going to make us more productive,
make individuals more productive,
improve the quality of all kinds of things.
It also has some real dangers associated with it.
One of the dangers people focus on is what happens
if these models become independent of human control
and end up taking independent actions that are harmful.
But there are other dangers to it.
Even if it's not a frontier model,
just a good AI program that's good enough
or an SI program that's good enough in the hands of a malign actor
can allow them to do things that in the past malign actors couldn't do.
You worry about how it can be used
to create biological and chemical weapons,
chemical weapons, how to do cyber attacks.
on infrastructure and carry out acts of violence
or acts of terrorism that could have a huge cost.
I think we need to speak more as well about
the disruptive nature that's going to have on our economy.
I think there will be economic benefits to SI.
I also think it will displace potentially certain industry
and workers the way automation did,
the way globalization did.
We need to prepare for that as well.
So these are all things that we have
to figure out a way to maximize the benefits of the SI,
but also mitigate the potential dangers.
This is true of any new technology.
Well, the difference between this one and the ones in the past
is this one is developing so much faster
than any other technology we've ever seen.
I mean, literally every three or two months, what you did two
months ago becomes obsolete.
The pace of it is moving so fast that it's
a tremendous challenge to try to regulate or control something
that's developing faster than your ability to keep up with it.
So it's a real global challenge,
but it's also one that the U.S. is going through,
and it's a balance between trying to mitigate its dangers.
And trying not to stifle innovation in advances.
And it's a work in progress to figure out how to handle that.
Does the regulatory approach being pushed
by European governments at the summit,
do you think it does strike that balance?
No. I mean, we're very concerned about these, you know,
global institutions trying to regulate something
that would stifle innovation.
So we don't think that's the right approach from our perspective.
There was a phone call, I wasn't on it today because I was here.
But there was a phone call that I believe heads of state were on
and Secretary Blinken represented us on that call.
And he expressed the same sentiment on it.
I was wondering if you had any information,
apparently the French Foreign Minister, I don't
know if he told you...
About the refrigeration attack?
Exactly, the cyber attack.
Well, we knew they were going to announce that today.
And they said that it was the Revolutionary Guard.
I mean, why is that surprising anyone?
The IRGC has been conducting acts of terrorism
and sabotage around the world for a long time.
That's like...
Breaking news, the IRGC is a bad group of people.
That's why we sanctioned them.
That's why we consider them terrorists.
On this specific issue, did the United States share any information?
Well, I can't comment on what we shared or didn't share.
The French are quite capable, certainly,
as well, in their own intelligence field.
But suffice it to say that, you know, they put out there today,
I mean, what kind of sickos are these people that attack refrigerators?
France is not even involved in this, really.
I mean, if you think about it, I mean,
yet they got attacked nonetheless
because this is what you're dealing with.
You're dealing with a deranged group of revolutionaries.
The Iranian people are great people.
I've said this.
Go back to my hearing when I was being nominated Secretary of State,
and I talked about how great Iran is and how great its people are
and how different the Iranian people are from the small core
of violent maniacs that govern them.
It's very sick, and these people are very sick.
And they're very bad people, and they
do terrible things around the world.
They've been doing terrible things now
since 1979, so it doesn't surprise us.
And so obviously, you know, so the news today doesn't surprise us.
They've done things like this for a very long time.
Mr. Secretary, can I just follow up on the question of the ICC?
Because Kaja Kallas today said that she,
they had spoken to you about their continued support of the court,
didn't seem to be budging on your demands.
And I'm just trying to clarify, is your demand,
I mean, it's one thing saying you want to guarantee
The U.S. will not be investigated.
There is a demand that nationals in any country
that are not signatories to the right searching...
Well, I care about America.
Bottom line is, we're not going to have some American serviceman
or American military commander
standing trial in some illegitimate court that we're not a member of.
It's as simple as that.
And by the way, no one raised it with me.
I don't know if she told you.
I don't know why she would tell you that,
because she didn't raise it with me, and no one raised it with me.
But they can if they want to,
and I'll tell them exactly what I'm telling you now.
If they want to join that thing, they can be a part of it.
What's never going to happen is no American service member
is ever going to be arrested 20 years from now
because they were the fighter pilot
in some operation that was conducted.
In a country that they claim jurisdiction over.
It's just not, we're not going to tolerate that.
And this is, by the way, a long-standing thing.
This is not new.
This is, there have been debates about this domestically
in the United States since 2004, and it's been going on ever since.
We're finally going to deal with it
because that court is drifting further
and further into a territory that's,
into ideas that are simply not acceptable
to the national interest of the United States.
So I care, I know you're asking about other countries.
I'm telling you, I work for America.
And I care about what it would mean for Americans.
But if you look at something like Duterte's
in custody, you know, there's been claims
that case could be...
Duterte's not an American.
So, you know, that's the case.
And they're doing...
I'm focused on the impact this could have on Americans.
I work for the United States of America.
We may agree or disagree with the way
the ICC has expressed its jurisdiction in other
places.
We just view it as precedent for what they may want
to do to an American in the future.
That's what we're focused on.
But as regards to Israel's warrants against Netanyahu,
the president has mentioned that
Yeah, we think it's an illegitimate. Israel is also not an enemy.
But today is Netanyahu. Tomorrow will be an American.
So again, it's not about the individuals. It's about their claim
of jurisdiction over countries that are not members of the treaty.
If we wanted to be under their jurisdiction, we would have.
We would have. We would have joined. We didn't join. We're not a member.
There are questions today about the future of the Republican Party.
You have in the past said.
Vice President J.D. Vance, I'm not,
I don't know why you're wasting your time.
I'm not going to talk about,
I'm not going to talk about 2028 any longer.
I'm just not going to talk about 2028 anymore.
But I'm just asking you about a comment you've made in the past.
And I'm just telling you this, okay, here's my answer, you ready?
I'm not going to discuss 2028,
I'm not going to discuss it in any form or fashion.
But thank you.
But I'm not going to talk about it.
But why discuss it months ago and not today?
I'm just curious.
Because I have that choice.
I can make it.
There's things that...
We're not going to talk about it anymore.
You can make a choice about if you want to run for president or not.
That's what you're saying?
I can make a choice.
I told you I'm not going to answer that question.
We're talking about 2032.
You can ask it eight different ways, but you're not going to get it.
2032.
Not even.
I'm not going to talk about it.
So you can ask me, but I'm not going to answer it
because I'm not going to talk about it
anymore.
Secretary...
Excuse me.
This is not a question about the election, but...
Sure, I always say that, and then they ask about it.
There was a huge amount.
The amount of public opinion polling around
the election, and across the board, it showed
that voters are very concerned about corruption in the government.
There have been some instances of credible allegations
of corruption in U.S. officials
dealing overseas and diplomacy,
obviously the case study will be Ambassador Gilfoyle.
So my question is, are you concerned
that Americans might believe that American diplomacy
is infected with corruption, self-dealing,
self-enrichment, do you think that perception
I don't know if that perception is out there or not.
I can tell you at the Department of State,
and I made this very clear from the very beginning,
there have been multiple things that have
been sent out to make this very clear
about what the ethical standards we expect everyone to abide by.
And we're going to continue to reiterate that.
And that precedes whatever happened in Greece and anywhere else.
We have a process for addressing those things,
and we take that very seriously.
So I can't opine about all of this.
I don't know which other ones you're discussing,
but I can tell you that we have repeatedly
within the Department of State,
and we haven't done it because we're suspicious of anybody.
We just want to remind everybody that at the end of the day,
we work for the American people.
We work for the government of the United States
on behalf of the American people.
And everything we do in our roles has
to be about furthering the interest
of the United States of America, not the interest of any individual.
That's the standard we've set from day one.
That's the standard we try to follow every single day.
And if someone doesn't meet that standard, which
We have a process to address it.
Do you think the department is living up to that standard
and U.S. officials are living up to that standard?
If it's not, we'll take it very seriously.
If we ever come across instances
or evidence that someone has not lived up to that standard,
we have processes and laws in place to address it.
We won't tolerate it, I can tell you that.
Do you feel Ambassador Guilfoyle is the exception here?
Well, I'm not going to comment on individual cases.
She's no longer the ambassador and she's no longer with us.
But I'm saying other people other than her.
Do you think there are other – do you feel like everything is –
No, if I ever came across an instance where I had
a well-founded suspicion or the department did that someone was doing
something they shouldn't be doing, we will address it very promptly
and perhaps have addressed it very promptly.
But we have a process for doing that.
We don't do it at press conferences.
We do it through the process that we have of identifying a problem,
confirming whether it's real,
and then we also have an inspector general process as well internally.
But we take this very seriously
and we won't tolerate any exception to the rule.
Secretary, regarding the talks this week in Abu Dhabi,
I spoke earlier today with your European Union counterpart,
Kasia Kallis, who said that
from her view, Russia has not shown that it's willing to negotiate.
Yeah, but then you just asked me the same thing.
Sorry.
Okay.
Yeah, I would tell you guys, I mean, it's not easy to get.
That's why this war has gone on for almost five years.
We're going to continue to do what we can.
You're asking me to guarantee you an outcome.
I can't do that.
The United States is not a combatant in that war.
It's the Russians that are fighting that war, and it's Ukraine
that was invaded and is being attacked and being fought against.
So all we can do is serve as a facilitator of the talks
and do what we can from the capacity that we have to inject ideas.
into those discussions in the hopes of arriving
at a solution that's diplomatic in nature.
That's all we can do, and that's what
we're going to continue to try to do.
But in the end, it's not the United States' war.
We're not combatants in that war.
And so we are doing everything we can to bring that war to an end.
But in the end, it takes, you know, the combatants to agree.
But we'll do everything we can because we think it's important.
The President's made it a priority,
even though it's a war that's not America's war.
Mr. Secretary, on Haiti,
I just wanted to ask what the discussions on Haiti were.
Are there any concrete steps
or path forwards that you see to a transitional government even...
Votes for in Haiti. Yeah. So yeah, we want to have I mean,
there's scheduled to be national elections in Haiti.
Obviously, there are challenges security challenges to it as well.
That's the reality. The gang still control large portions
of Port-au-Prince is an example. I could tell you that on that issue
that Canadians deserve a lot of credit. They've really stepped up.
They've been a big catalyst and the work that's been done.
Obviously, the United States has been very involved with them as well
in this UN mission. I think the with the gang suppression force
is starting to gain momentum. It's up to 2000.
With another 3,000 or 4,000 been pledged,
so you're starting to see momentum in the training as well,
the police force in Haiti and improving their professionalism.
But, you know, it's a difficult challenge,
and I would say if the gang suppression force effort doesn't work,
then we're out of ideas, so we have to make it work.
There really is no other option. There's no plan B here anymore.
So the effort, the Kenyan-led effort sort of just wasn't doing enough.
This new process is what replaced it.
And it has to work, because if it doesn't,
I don't know what other alternative there is at this point.
So we'll just continue to encourage, and we raise it at all these G7s,
for these countries to step up and donate money
to the account necessary to make this effort successful.
What's the timeline on ramping up
the number of troops deployed in the GSF?
And do you think that the timeline on the elections is appropriate,
just given the security situation?
Well, look, ultimately, the elections,
you can't have elections if gangs control
You know, large portions of the city,
people say it's not a legitimate and credible election
because if a significant percentage
of the population can't go to a voting place
because it happens to be controlled
by a gang, it makes it very difficult.
So stability is important for elections to be credible.
That's why, you know, in Ukraine they haven't had
an election in a long time either
because they're in the middle of a war, right?
So our point is that we'd like to see elections in Haiti,
but before you can make real progress on an election in Haiti,
you've got to do more.
To push back the gangs so that people can actually go vote
and not get killed or decapitated.
Secretary, in Atlanta, you mentioned that you expected
to see your Brazilian counterpart here in Paris.
Yeah, Maduro was here.
Do you have an expectation as to how
much time you'll get to speak with him?
Or can you characterize the status
of the relationship between the two governments now,
several weeks after the Brazilian election
and after Flavia Bolsonaro's arrival in the U.S.?
Well, I mean, we talk to him.
Every time I see him, we have conversations.
And we'll probably talk while we're here.
We don't have a scheduled meeting or anything.
But we'll be dealing with the Brazilian government.
We were dealing with them before
and we have an issue where they haven't allowed our ambassador
to come into the country.
That's a problem.
Danny Perez, he's our nominee.
They didn't grant agrément.
That has to be fixed and we hope they'll fix it
because we don't think it's good.
So that's a good tone for our relationship for them
not to allow our ambassador to go into the country.
They have an ambassador in the U.S., but at some point,
you know, that imbalance can't continue.
So we'll start there.
And then obviously there's some trade issues.
I'm not our trade negotiator,
but obviously our foreign policy is affected by trade,
so I stay very much on top of those issues
and also have to be confronted as well.
But, yeah, I mean, Maduro and I get along great.
I mean, we speak and we talk, but obviously there
are some differences between our government's views on trade
and some other matters that will have to be resolved.
I know Jameson's been working on that,
and we'll have an opportunity to interact with him.
I've interacted with him multiple times, many times,
since I've been in this role.
We've done various discussions
on a democratic transition in Venezuela.
Do you have any sense of ?
I raised it here with these groups,
and we've encouraged more and more of these countries
to be involved in that process as well.
We think they have a lot to contribute,
not just to Venezuela's recovery,
but the more I think that Venezuela is exposed to the world
that doesn't involve Russia and China and Iran,
the more progress can be made there in terms
of recovering just from an economic and societal standpoint.
As far as the processes concerned with elections
and the democratic transition,
I believe they're meeting again this week
as I said we're on pace if things continue on scale
to have a new supreme court magistrates in place
by the middle of next month in December.
Subsequent to that very quickly thereafter will
be the creation of the new electoral council.
These are two things that are essential.
There are three things you need for an election to work
in Venezuela. You need a new supreme court,
you need a new electoral council that's
That's administrative, not political in nature.
And you need a free and open press.
And I think it's been very good that Maria Corina
and other elements of the opposition
have been in the country now for over two weeks.
No one's been arrested.
They're having press conferences.
They have full access to the Internet.
You can't have credible elections
if the people running can't communicate with the voters.
There's some other things people don't think about.
For example, there are 7 million Venezuelans living abroad.
How are they going to vote?
We need to get consulates open in the United States
so that those that are in the U.S. are able
to have a voting place they can go to.
Right now they have no consulates open in the United States.
So there are things like that that we've
talked about with our foreign minister.
Their acting foreign minister that's in place right now.
So I think we're making good progress.
We just have to stay on top of it and
make sure we can get these deadlines
because once you get the...
The Electoral Council in place, you have these elements in place,
then at that point you would hope the expectation would
be that they would declare a vacancy in the presidency, which
then triggers a six month period for an election on a date set by the.
The President and the U.S.
officials have briefed on what
they're sort of going into these
talks with, talking about security guarantee or security...
Is there a discussion of the U.S. providing security guarantees,
sort of NATO Article
5 or Article 4 style?
Well, all of those things are – I mean,
all the – there's a – I don't think we've settled
on a final, concrete plan
on what it would look like.
I think concepts have been discussed about what
security guarantees could look like post-conflict.
And the reason why that topic remains
in the headlines is because I think it'll be key
to ultimately being able to end the war,
is an understanding that Ukraine will feel secure
after the war.
And obviously it has to be something
that Russia agrees to as well in order for it to work.
So I think that's the conversations.
And while it seems like for some it
would look like we're working backwards,
the truth of the matter is those security
guarantees are going to be key
in order for Ukraine to be able to agree to something.
But it has to be something Russia agrees to as well.
I'm stating the obvious, but I think
that's why these talks are so critical.
Is that something that the U.S. would put into a treaty?
I mean, potentially,
but I don't know if we've discussed it at that level of detail yet,
and as you know, treaties aren't necessarily
the easiest things to pass anymore to get
confirmed through the Senate and so forth.
I'm sorry, go ahead.
Secretary, did you talk
with the Japanese foreign minister about the ICC's sanction
today?
He always raises it.
Obviously, the main judge of the ICC is a Japanese citizen,
so they raise the point,
we make our point.
But we have a good relationship with Japan,
but we understand we have a difference of
opinion when it comes to the ICC.
Secretary, was there any further discussion today
on the scale of the humanitarian situation
in Gaza that has been very severe?
Yeah, so the new head of the World Food Program,
he used to work at the Department of Agriculture,
Thank you.
Thank you.
has now came and gave us a brief on what needs to happen
and the progress that we hope to
make.
Obviously, you know, there are agreements
that were part of the ceasefire that we expect
to be adhered to, and there is a growing humanitarian need
that we want addressed, and the World
The World Food Program is...
UNIQUELY POSITIONED TO BE ABLE TO DELIVER THAT.
I THINK WE'D LIKE TO SEE THEM CONTINUE
TO WORK OUT WAYS TO WORK MORE CLOSELY WITH THE
UN PROGRAM BECAUSE WE THINK
THE WORLD FOOD PROGRAM HAS THE, WHAT WE DON'T WANT TO SEE
IS REDUNDANCY OF EFFORT AND WE DON'T WANT TO SEE INEFFICIENCY.
WE ACTUALLY THINK THE WORLD FOOD PROGRAM IS ABLE
TO DELIVER ASSISTANCE IN A WAY THAT PERHAPS
THE UN SYSTEM ON ITS OWN CANNOT DO.
SO WE'VE ENCOURAGED MORE COORDINATION BETWEEN THE TWO
AND THAT'S INCREASINGLY HAPPENING.
BUT SO IT WAS RAISED TODAY.
On this very immediate issue that I'm getting,
I think two-thirds
of the population are intent.
Is there any more immediate...
Well, we didn't...
I know that instance today that you're discussing
where there was some sort of a burn
or some sand thing that collapsed and killed somebody.
That just was in the news today.
I didn't actually see that until after our meeting,
so that specific instance wasn't raised.
What was raised was the need for wraparound services.
In essence, food alone is not enough.
And the goal of the World Food Program, by the way,
is not ultimately just to continue to feed...
Gaza, but eventually have Gaza have its own ability to produce
its own food and setting up a bakeries and other things
that can create food for itself so that it becomes self-sustaining.
That's the goal we all share.
But part of that obviously starts with, you know, shelter and the need
for heat at some point here and obviously given the winter approaching
and all these other needs that are necessary in order to sustain life.
All of that was part of the Board of Peace program.
All of that was part of the way the ceasefire came together.
We've, in some ways, fallen behind schedule
for a variety of reasons, but we expect it
to catch up, and a lot of good work has gone into it,
and so we're optimistic that we can
pull that together.
What is the future of U.S. military aid, Ezra?
Well, we're currently negotiating a memorandum of understanding.
You know, the 10-year memorandum certainly expires.
The Israelis, as you said...
The President said it could expire.
It could be done in a year.
Yeah, but the Israeli system, you know,
the Israelis, Prime Minister Netanyahu has already stated
that he wants to stop being a foreign military financing country
and consolidate foreign military sales.
He's talking about a decade.
The President mentioned a year.
I just wonder what U.S. policy is at this point.
Well, it's what the President said,
that he would like for the financing portion to end.
As soon as possible. So we're working through that in terms
of how we negotiate the memorandum of understanding.
But the president's expectation is that Israel is now prosperous
and rich enough to be able to be a sales country.
They can buy weapons from us,
but we no longer have to provide the financing.
It's something the Israelis themselves have offered.
I think they're ready to go it alone and starting in 2027.
Well, that's what the president said we're going to do.
So ultimately, I think they could if they wanted to. Yeah, absolutely.
They also produce weaponry, by the way, so part of the MOU would
also involve the ability to co-produce on some things.
But on the question of financing,
I think Israel's clearly graduated beyond that at this point.
They themselves have expressed it.
We'll negotiate the timeline. The
president wants it as soon as possible.
He thinks it makes sense to do it as soon as possible.
We're learning a little bit more about the articles
of impeachment against Secretary Hegseth
with Republican Representative Massey saying that Hegseth...
You used the Iran war and knowingly executed
and implemented unlawful orders to initiate
war against a foreign nation.
How would you respond to that, just
the allegation of this being illegal?
I think he's done a very good job.
Secretary, I know you're not commenting on the current status
of NVIDIA, but can you explain, back when you guys went to China in,
I believe it was May, Jensen Huang was initially not on that trip
and then joined Air Force One kind of midway,
I believe it was in Alaska on the way to China.
Do you have any recollection of why he was initially left off
or why he joined or any of those details?
No. I mean, I have a lot of jobs,
but the White House travel office isn't working.
So I just, I mean, I don't want to give you bad information.
Can I ask about the U.N. secretary-general race?
Do you have a favorite?
If I told you who the U.S. wanted, it would doom them to lose.
It's his next job.
No, there's a couple of really good candidates, people that we like,
two or three, and the process will work itself out.
And I think, you know, we've expressed our views,
but that's an ongoing process.
So we don't have, like, a candidate that's the U.S. candidate.
We see two or three very qualified people,
and we're going to let the voting continue on that front.
And at some point, the world will make a decision on who they want.
We have our opinions.
And I talked about that with President Macron just a moment ago.
But I think.
We're just going to keep working at the way we are right now
because other countries get their vote here as well.
So we're watching the process closely.
In the end, what we're interested in more than anything else
is that it be someone that's committed to U.N. reform.
There's real momentum behind U.N. reform.
I think it's one of the things that's
going to save the U.N. is that it reforms.
If it doesn't, it's going to be in a lot of trouble.
And we want someone as Secretary General
that's committed, truly committed to reform.
And that's the standard we're using
to judge all the candidates that are out there.
Are you and President Macron on board?
Do you have the same views on this issue?
I can't represent that his views are the same as mine.
I'm just saying that I hope France is aligned
with us on the need to reform the United Nations.
And I think there's real momentum for that.
I've not gone into a single country
or spoken to a single global leader that says,
oh, the UN is perfect the way it is.
I think everyone generally agrees that the system needs to be reformed,
That there was a lot of waste.
That there was a lot of bloat and that it needed
to get back to its core principles.
I think it's troubling for a lot of people
that the UN really is not at the center of
any of the global crises that are going on right now.
It has not played a meaningful role
in a major global crisis in quite a while.
So the whole system is in need of reform.
But I think the most immediate reform that people
are concentrating on is that it's lost
its core principles and sort of grown so large
and bloated and gotten into areas it was never
intended to tackle.
So, we've made real progress over the last year in reform
and I think it's important
for the next Secretary General to be someone
who's committed to continuing to make those
reforms or the UN is going to be in a lot of trouble.
I just, I'm being honest with you,
I just think that's the process, we don't fix it.
Did you discuss with Macron the future of the mission,
the UN mission to Lebanon?
We did, no, and I think the notion is,
you know, one of the things that we're working
on from our perspective.
It's finding the ability to monitor
the implementation of the pilot zones.
It doesn't have to be a military mission.
It could be a civilian mission.
We have some ideas because it's important.
These pilot zones, the Israelis leave.
The Lebanese armed forces supposed
to come in and take them without Hezbollah.
You've taken them and using them to launch attacks.
We need a verification system trusted by everyone
and trusted by both sides.
That both sides are complying with their obligations under
the agreements that are in place.
So we discussed a little bit some
of the ideas we have on what that could look like.
We're not prepared to sort of discuss it yet publicly
because obviously it's sensitive
and would require the agreement of both the Lebanese
and the Israelis in order for it to work.
But we discussed that process.
That could involve UNIFIL?
Well, UNIFIL, as you know, is expiring.
So something could replace it that can be in that role.
But again, the details of that are still being worked on.
I can't really...
At this moment, other than to say that the goal remains,
that we do need some credible.
Secretary, have you
neutralized the Iranian
threat against American
diplomats overseas
that last month U.S. Intel warned about?
Have we neutralized it?
Yeah.
Well, look, we're always concerned.
Yeah, we've addressed it by moving people away from the threat.
There's a couple of things that are a threat.
Obviously, you know, we're always worried about the safety
and security of our personnel
and their families overseas.
And so when we see anything that could pose
a potential threat beyond a certain threshold,
we're going to address it.
Beyond that, we're also concerned about what's going
on with the Houthis in Saudi Arabia.
That could spiral at any moment.
In some cases, you've seen Saudi Arabia,
for example, attack not just from Yemen,
but you've also seen attacks come in from Iraq.
The Iranian-backed militias.
So for us, what we always have to take
into consideration is not just what's happening now,
it's what could happen.
And if this spreads or metastasizes to other countries
and airports are shut down, as an example,
now we can't get our people out of now, now they're trapped.
So there's an internal process that goes on.
We evaluate any time that there's...
Any sort of danger involving facilities,
we instigate, we initiate an internal process
that does a security assessment of our personnel
and of our ability to move them when things
got bad, how many people are there, dependents and the like,
and then they issue recommendations
done by our security folks and people on the ground,
and those recommendations come to
me, and it was on the basis of that recommendation
that we made the decisions that we made, and
it's not just about Iran, frankly.
It's also about what's happening in Yemen with the Houthis.
Secretary, a question about the Western Hemisphere.
The what?
Sorry.
Coming back to a question on the Western Hemisphere,
Paraguay has been, under President
Peña, was a member of the counter-cartel coalition
of the Shield of the Americas.
Do you have a view on the recent events
and the removal of President Peña from office
and the current political situation in Paraguay?
Yeah, but he's been replaced by the vice president, who I also know.
I spoke to him on the plane right here,
and I've known him for a while, and a lot of people
thought he would be the next president anyway.
Obviously we've had a good constructive relationship
with President Peña, but there's an internal
process going on in Paraguay that we're
not involved in and we aren't going to get involved
in.
I represent the United States of America
and what I'm interested in is our bilateral relationship
and cooperation with Paraguay
and I expect that that will continue to be as strong as
it's ever been and will continue to grow the way it was growing.
I don't believe this change will
in any way negatively impact our relationship.
And that's a good thing, and it's an important thing, so.
Thank you.
On Cuba, are you sensing, sorry, one more.
Are you sensing any organic?
What am I sensing about what?
Any organic effort on the ground in Cuba
to actually oust the communist leadership there?
That's not the way to read it.
Here's the problem with Cuba.
Well, you guys asked the Cubans to reach out to the CIA,
so I'm wondering if that's delivered any results.
Well, I wouldn't tell you if I got a result from the CIA.
I mean, don't come out, you know, but I would,
because then those people aren't going to be doing very well.
So all I can tell you is this.
Here's the problem with Cuba.
The regime there is afraid of giving their people any kind of freedom,
economic or otherwise, because they like to control it.
So what the regime there is trying to do, and they've always done,
is they want to have enough economic activity
just so that they are like a third-world country,
but not a fourth-world country.
But they don't want to lose control over people.
They don't mind if the people don't have a lot.
They just want to make sure that whatever the people have,
they depend on them 100% for it.
That's always been the case.
How can they grow economically without losing control
over their population?
That model doesn't work.
And all it's led to is millions of people leaving the country
of Cuba, including many to the United States.
And that has to change, because that instability
and that failed state that it's created poses a threat
to the national security and national interest
of the United States.
So that's what we're focused on is how can we get
the people of Cuba more freedom,
political freedom for certain,
because our embargo on Cuba is codified in statute
and it requires political freedom in order to lift it,
but also economic freedom.
We want the people of Cuba to have what virtually the people
of virtually every country in the Western Hemisphere has,
and that is the ability to go out and make a living for themselves
without depending on the government to provide it for them.
Even more troubling is that despite how bad things are in Cuba,
There are insiders in that regime that have millions
and millions of dollars stashed away
in bank accounts all over the world, and that have come to die.
And this is well documented, the military holding company, GAESA,
who's been stealing what little they have from the Cuban people.
So that also can't continue.
So, you know, ultimately our goal is for Cuba to have a better future,
and we're going to do everything we can to help.
Put it on that path, but in the end,
you know, it will require them to wake up
and realize that there is no future on the path they're on right now.
And, you know, this is a very stubborn group of people over there,
but we'll keep working on it because it's a priority.
All right. Thank you.
All right, guys.
Thank you.
What a marathon.
Yeah, wow.
I agree.
I wore them out.
Did you see that, Dylan?
That's true.