Russia is restoring Soviet control over its own army; Marxism-Leninism to every soldier
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Over the course of several years, Russia has methodically restored the Soviet vertical political control system in the army: a company-level political officer, a magazine for army agitators called "Politruk," based on Soviet models. The longer the war lasts, the less the Kremlin expects soldiers to fight out of conviction. The political officer or political officer is supposed to persuade, control, report on sentiment, and maintain discipline. By introducing a political overseer at the company level, the state is acknowledging that it does not rely on the loyalty of the men it has issued weapons to. The idea of assigning a political overseer to a commander is as old as the Red Army itself: the Bolsheviks created the institution of commissars to keep an eye on officers they didn't trust. Political organs, headed by the Main Political Directorate, monitored the "moral and political situation," decided who should be promoted and who should be punished, and administered a daily dose of Marxism-Leninism to every soldier.
In the 1990s, this system collapsed along with the USSR. But after the defeat in the first Chechen war, it became clear that the Russian army had no convincing answer to the question: "What is a soldier fighting for?" The restoration of oversight began after 2014. The updated military doctrine declared the consciousness of its own citizens a separate battlefield. On July 30, 2018, the Main Military-Political Directorate was established —a de facto analogue of the Soviet GlavPUR. It assumed the functions of personnel management bodies and received broader ideological powers, including oversight of the "Youth Army" and patriotic education of youth. Since 2019, the positions of deputy political officers have been established in units . A symbolic end was marked by the expansion of military-political training at military academies—the return of the function performed in the USSR by the Lenin Military-Political Academy. Until 2022, all of this seemed more like window dressing. Full-scale war brought the political officer into genuine demand. In May 2026, Deputy Defense Minister Viktor Goremykin reported that the number of military-political officers had more than tripled, primarily due to new positions.
In 2024, the magazine "Politruk " was published—a methodological guide for army agitators. The editors made no secret of their inspiration—political commissar journals from 1942–1945—and explained the publication's purpose with a quote from Stalin. The goal was to teach officers to "mortally hate the enemy," suppress "cowardice and panic," and maintain among soldiers "unshakable confidence in the invincible strength of the Russian army." The rhetoric of 1942, reintroduced to the army in 2024, suggests the Kremlin lacks fresh arguments. On paper, a deputy political officer is an officer who maintains morale: he explains to soldiers why they're fighting, quotes Putin, and interprets the word "denazification." On the front lines, according to Russian military personnel , this work is practically nonexistent. In their accounts, the deputy political officer is an informer. The soldiers dismissively describe him as "snitching" to the command and monitoring the mood. When it comes to punishment, he becomes an executioner; deputy political officers were involved in at least some of the camps for "refuseniks," where people were beaten and kept tied up for days to force them back to the front.
There was another possible trigger. In the summer of 2023, the Wagner convoy advanced on Moscow, reminding the Kremlin that armed men pose a danger not only to the enemy. The political officer should be the first to spot those in the unit who are beginning to doubt. It's believed that the return of political officers contributed to the reduction in the number of special-purpose units in the Russian army. Another conclusion can be drawn: a political officer responsible for denunciations and repression cannot be a competent propagandist; he loses credibility even before he shows up at the unit with a new issue of "Politruk" magazine. His words undermine his actions.
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