Marshal Lin Biao rose as China’s greatest tactical commander, avoiding the brutal political infighting that consumed most CCP leaders. A quiet, diligent outsider who despised faction games, he earned Mao’s trust through battlefield brilliance rather than scheming. After Peng Dehuai’s fall in 1959, Mao placed him in charge of the army. His rock-solid loyalty during the Cultural Revolution won him the ultimate prize: designation as Mao’s successor, written into the party constitution.
That “honor” proved a deadly trap. Terrified by the era’s insanity, Lin tried to withdraw and coast quietly. But his son Lin Liguo’s amateurish assassination scheme (“571 Engineering”) triggered panic, a botched defection flight, and a fiery crash in Mongolia on September 13, 1971. The saga exposes the grotesque absurdity of top-level CCP power games—echoes that may ring true in today’s high-level purges.
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Hi, I'm Dong Xiong. Welcome to Digging into China, where we take a deep dive into
what's really happening in China and share some unique insights.
Recently, the two vice-chairmen of the Central Military Commission, He Weidong and Zhang Youxiang,
both fell from power. There is even talk circulating online now that He Weidong has
already taken his own life. The last time China saw a purge on this scale with such
ranking officials dying, you have to go back to the Mao era to vice-chairman Lin Biao.
We may not know right now exactly what He Weidong and Zhang Youxiang did to end up like this,
but as the old saying goes, we can use the past as a mirror. So in this episode,
let's borrow the story of Lin Biao to look at just how absurd the infighting among Chinese
officials can get. We'll talk about why Lin Biao really turned against the party and why his plan
ended up crashing. Just how much real value did it have to be China's one and only legally
designated successor written into the party constitution? Lin Biao was born in 1907 in
Huanggang, Hubei province into a small landlord family. From a young age, he was quiet, not good
at socializing, but he did inherit that classic Huanggang trait, extreme diligence. In the end,
through sheer hard work and endurance, he got into the Wampoa military academy. Then in 1927,
when the communists and nationalists split, Lin Biao got successfully brainwashed by the communists,
defected from the nationalists, joined the Nanchang uprising. And thanks to his military
academy background, became a platoon leader in the Red Army. From 1927 to 1949, while the communists
kept rebelling and trying to overthrow the government, Lin Biao kept rising through the ranks.
Compared with other communist party members though, his rise looked almost clean in that big cesspool.
He was quite different from Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, or Deng Xiaoping. If you look at those figures,
they all shared one habit. They spent their days doing almost nothing except fighting their own
people or picking sides. Before 1949, Mao carried out several major purges. Zhou Enlai was constantly
jumping back and forth between Mao and Wang Ming. When you read that history, you often feel like
the biggest enemy of the communist party wasn't the nationalists or the Japanese invaders,
it was other comrades inside the party. But our comrade Lin Biao was different. He had always
been the quiet type, bad at socializing, so he stayed out of most of the struggles. He even
disliked them. Back on the Jingang mountains, he once said that the people who engage in ideological
struggle are just a peddling snake oil, far less effective than a single machine gun. So how did a
guy with zero talent for picking sides still become one of the ten marshals in a party where
everyone's brain had turned into dog brain from all the fighting? Simple. Lin Biao could really
fight. He wasn't great at grand strategy, but on the tactical levels, he was outstanding.
Some of the most famous campaigns, everyone knows the Pingxingguan, Liaosheng campaign were
personally commanded and planned by him. And his style was different from someone like Peng Dehuai,
who relied heavily on personal charisma and ideological mobilization to slug it out in
hard battles. Lin Biao was all about calculation. Take the Liaosheng campaign for example.
His troops ran into a nationalist unit near Hujiawopeng. After scattering them, they captured
a few trucks and some officers. Most commanders might have struggled off routine captures like
that. But Lin Biao, hypersensitive to detail, immediately saw something. Faced with this
chance haul, he launched his deadly three-question combo. First, what kind of trucks are these?
The staff officer answered, not the big rural kind, rubber tires, short axles. Second,
what were they carrying? Answer, no artillery. Third, what about the captured soldiers? Answer,
they ran almost without a fight. Most were officers, healthy, pale, and chubby. Hardly
any dirt on them. Didn't look like regular troops. Hearing those three details, Lin Biao instantly did
a rapid mental data match. Short-axle rubber-tied vehicles were usually American military transports.
Such rare, well-equipped American troops weren't holding heavy weapons, just pale,
fat officers and radios. In an era without satellite reconnaissance, based solely on this
one accidental capture and the tiny clues it revealed, Lin Biao decided in one second that
the commander post of Liaoyaosheng's nationalist corps was very likely hidden nearby. The moment
he reached this conclusion, the usually calm Lin Biao became extremely excited. He immediately
ordered the entire army, ignore all other enemies, every unit, no matter where you are or what you
are doing, head straight for Hujiawopeng right now. And it turned out exactly as he predicted.
Under the fierce assault, Liaoyaosheng's headquarters collapsed instantly.
Liao himself fled in panic. The elite corps of 100,000 men became headless flies once the
command center was gone. Lin Biao's force took just two days to annihilate the nationalist's
strongest strategic group. Mao Zedong once commented early on that Lin Biao didn't act
like a general. He acted like an accountant keeping books. We often hear the term technocratic
today. Cadres who don't play political games or build factions just bury themselves in technical
or economic work. Lin Biao was very much the technocrat of the military. On the other hand,
although he hated political struggle, Lin Biao had pretty good luck with picking sides.
Early on, because he joined the Nanchang uprising and ended up stranded on Jinggang
mountain, he met Mao Zedong early and had a chance to align with him. When Mao was purging the AB
leagues, Lin Biao didn't join the direct killing, but he clearly supported Mao on the military side.
So, a fighter as capable as Lin Biao earned Mao's high regard very early. Mao's famous line,
a single spark can start a prairie fire, was nominally written to Lin Biao. Later,
when Wang Ming was in power, Lin Biao did once stab Mao in the back. But who would hold a grudge
against a pure technocrat and military talent? Mao needed Lin Biao's command skills, so afterward,
he didn't really pursue him. So here is this guy who hated political struggle. Fine, he can rise
become one of the ten marshals during wartime, but how does he become the only successor written
into the party charter? The reason is actually the same, he didn't like playing politics.
In the early years after 1949, because he refused to build a faction, his career path actually
stalled. Despite his brilliant war record, Lin Biao's status wasn't that high right after
liberation. Before 1949, it was wartime, command ability mattered, so he had room to shine.
After 1949, no more wars, now it was civilian governance. And civilian governance is all about
building alliances and playing politics, especially during Mao's wild free-wheeling period
where he pointed wherever his thoughts wandered. Lin Biao became even less useful.
According to Lin Biao himself, he really disliked meetings, documents, and all the side-picking.
So, for a long time after 1949, he was the marshal with the least real power among the ten.
His nominal rank was the first or second, higher than the well-known Zhu De or Peng Dehuai,
but his actual authority was the lowest. After the founding, he didn't enter the state council
system like Peng Dehuai, Chen Yi, or He Long, nor did he run the military like Ye Jianying.
Lin Biao was more like a military mascot. And ironically, that exact position let him
accidentally hit the jackpot. When is the most dangerous time for a Chinese supreme leader?
Not during the civil war with the nationalists, not during the war against Japan, it's during
peacetime. From 1927 to 1949, very few high-level communist generals actually died at the hands of
the nationalists or Japanese. But after 1949, China's top generals suddenly entered hell-mode
survival. They died one after another, faster and faster. The reason was simple, greed for power.
First came the two regional military strongmen Gao Gong and Lao Shushi, who refused to give up
their troops and tried to set up separate centers. They were purged in 1955. Then,
at the 1959 Lushan conference, Peng Dehuai was brought down. From then on, senior PLA officers
kept falling like dominoes. In that kind of environment, a man like Lin Biao who didn't
crave power caught Mao's eye. After Peng Dehuai was ousted at Lushan in 1959, the military fell
into some disorder. Mao needed someone to help him control the army. Having been burned by Peng,
Mao wanted someone with a few strong political opinions, someone who could keep the military
loyal without threatening him. After looking around, Lin Biao, the guy with very little ambition,
no faction-building talent, but huge prestige in the army, became the obvious choice. Lin Biao
himself was very clear about his role at the stage. In his diary, he wrote,
The subject follows the ruler. Never let the subject overtake the ruler. Whatever Chairman Mao
says, that's what I do. Now, the word subject he used there is quite telling. After the founding
of new China, the system had a kind of imperial flavor. Mao was the big emperor. Even though there
was no legal imperial system and everyone was theoretically equal. In that context, people like
Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, Liu Shaoqi, and Peng Dehuai rarely saw themselves as Mao's subjects.
They saw themselves as Mao's political partners or political rivals. Mao was simply the strongest
among equals. But Lin Biao was different. He truly treated Mao as emperor, and himself
as subject. The clearest example of this subject mindset and repeated nature came at the 7000
cadres conference. From 1959 to 1961, three years when China's agriculture and weather records
showed some of the best conditions in a century. The country suffered a man-made super-famine
caused by communist mismanagement. Tens of millions died. The agricultural base that
even survived the Japanese invasion was completely wrecked by the party in just a few years.
The disaster was so horrifying that even the party itself couldn't hold it together.
Liu Shaoqi, a more practical man than Mao, at least understood that collapsing the whole
country helped no one. So in early 1962, at Liu Shaoqi's urging, the Central Committee held an
enlarged work conference, the first time grassroots cadres were allowed to join a central
meeting. Liu Shaoqi hoped to use pressure from below to force Mao Zedong to end his mistaken
policies. Because so many local cadres were invited, attendance reached an unprecedented
scale, hence the name 7000 cadres conference. The meeting turned into collective pressure on Mao
to step down. In that atmosphere, people reacted in two main ways. One group, highly politically
astute like Zhou Enlai, knew Mao Zedong would come back. They understood Mao's monstrous fighting
ability. A short setback at the conference won't cost him real power forever. Mao would rise again.
So they firmly sided with him. But they also saw things were bad and understood Mao wanted to step
back temporarily. They gave him veiled support during the meeting. The other group, less astute,
saw Mao Zedong being criticized and genuinely thought his time was up. They went with the flow,
joining Liu Shaoqi in attacking Mao Zedong, hoping to board the new ship.
Then there was a very small third group, Lin Biao. He still firmly supported Mao.
In the middle of the one-sided criticism, Lin Biao suddenly stood up, slammed the table,
and scolded everyone present for not listening to Chairman Mao. He threw aside the speech the
military commission office had prepared for him and spoke of the cuff. He even suggested
turning the conference criticizing Mao into one criticizing the lower cadres instead.
He said, The difficulties we are facing now, the three years of famine, in certain respects and
to a certain degree, are precisely because we did not follow Chairman Mao's instructions,
his warnings, his thought. If we had listened to Chairman Mao and grasped his spirit, we would have
taken far fewer detours, and today's difficulties would be much smaller.
As soon as Lin Biao said that, the whole room of cadres was stunned into silence. The atmosphere
became painfully awkward, everyone's toes curling, while people stared at him like he was an idiot.
One person on the restrooms started clapping. Who? Mao Zedong himself.
Of course, Lin Biao standing alone for Mao didn't change everything. After the conference,
Mao still lost some ground, Liu Shaoqi took a bit of power, and Mao went into semi-retirement.
But it did make Mao see Lin Biao in a new light. Before, Mao thought, now that the country is
founded, we don't need war anymore. A guy who only knows fighting and has low political skill
is useless. Who knew that someone with such low political skill, low enough to stand firm against
wind, still had this kind of use? Wonderful! How wonderful! As Mao made his comeback,
and the cultural revolution began, Lin Biao, who had firmly backed Mao at the 7000 conference,
finally entered his own era. If, after Lu Shan, he had been accelerating on the promotion highway,
during the cultural revolution, the era that rewarded only loyalty, he was riding a rocket.
Early in the cultural revolution, Lin Biao contributed a lot. Before it officially broke
out in 1966, his army had already become almost an armed missionary organization for Mao Zedong
thought. Once it started, Lin Biao jumped in with maximum fanfare. He oversaw the compilation
of the Little Red Book and pushed slogans like Politics First, Thought First. Using the army
as the carrier, he spread the cult of Mao Zedong nationwide, creating an unprecedented political
carnival. Most crucially, he controlled the guns, giving Mao the armed backing to launch
the cultural revolution. During the cultural revolution, Liu Shaoqi was overthrown, humiliated,
and died unnaturally. Throughout it all, Lin Biao, the one who crazily supported Mao, finally got his
reward. To reward his loyal subject, Mao named Lin Biao his successor and wrote into the party
constitution. It looked like supreme honor, but in reality, Mao had played a trick on Lin Biao.
Succession isn't just about saying, I want this person. You need groundwork, preparation.
Even ancient emperors had to build up the crown prince's power base. In a modern dictatorship,
it's the same. A title alone with no political foundation and zero talent for faction building
meant Lin Biao clearly wasn't Mao Zedong's real intended successor.
Mao knew Lin Biao lacked the ability to succeed him. That's exactly why he named him. Naming
Lin Biao didn't threaten Mao at all, and it tied Lin Biao permanently to his boat.
The successor title was like a shiny apple laced with poison inside.
Of course, saying Lin Biao lacked political wisdom is only relative to other top CCP cadres.
He didn't get to be a marshal by being stupid. The moment he learned he was the designated
successor written into the charter, he realized what it meant. Not a pot of honey, but a bowl
of poison. He immediately panicked. According to people close to him later, after the successor
status was written in, Lin Biao wasn't happy at all. He repeatedly asked Zhou Enlai who proposed
it and begged to revoke it, remove his name. When Zhou Enlai told him it was Mao Zedong himself,
Lin Biao fell silent. Lin Biao was fundamentally different from people like Zhou Enlai or Kang
Sheng. Those two had firmly sided with Mao long before the Cultural Revolution, even before the
7000 conference. You could call it foresight, realizing Mao could always turn the tables,
or you could say they were already on Mao's pirate ship and couldn't get off. But Lin Biao
boarded more like someone who made a dumb mistake and got pulled on passively. Before Lu Shan,
Lin Biao had no clear affection and always avoided deep political involvement. But once
the Cultural Revolution started, becoming the national successor tied him completely to the
ship, and the sheer madness of the Cultural Revolution scared him. The CCP had infighting
before, Yan'an Rectification, the AB League purges. The party was ruthless to its own,
using every cruel method without hesitation. But Lin Biao, bad at picking sides, didn't want to
join then and didn't. Even when the Cultural Revolution began, he mostly stayed out. He never
personally struggled or denounced anyone. He mainly kept the army loyal and supportive so Mao
could feel secure. Then suddenly he found himself dragged into something far more terrifying and
insane than Yan'an or AB League purge, and inexplicably became the number two figure in it.
How could he not panic? What happened to people in the AB League era? What happened in Yan'an
Rectification? Lin Biao may not have participated, but he saw it all. He knew his own political
skill wasn't even enough for small-time side-picking in those earlier campaigns, let alone this
super-plus version of the Cultural Revolution, let alone succeeding Mao later. At that point,
Lin Biao realized his situation was bad and started looking for a way off the ship.
His method? Turtle up, go into full passive mode, slack off, hoping to slip away from the
Cultural Revolution boat and part with Mao Zedong. In 1969, the third year of the Cultural Revolution,
at the Ninth Party Congress, Bao asked Lin Biao to draft a political report
setting the future direction. What did Lin Biao draft? Something unprecedented,
and the Cultural Revolution started focusing on production, stabilized the situation,
stopped the chaos. Of course, before it could even be formally presented, Mao vetoed it outright.
After that, to keep his army out of the Cultural Revolution, Lin Biao issued the Military
Commission's eight points, stressing that the commission would not get involved in mass
struggles, factional activities, or political conflicts, hoping to preserve the army's
independence and professionalism. In response to this political breaking, Mao immediately
overrode it with ten points, forcibly dragging the army back into political struggle.
The Cultural Revolution had to spread into the military and be injected with Mao Zedong's thoughts
even harder. After that, Lin Biao completely lost it. In his diary from that time, Lin Biao
repeatedly expressed anxiety about the political situation. He said he was gradually losing his
grasp of what was happening. When breaking failed and a jumped ship failed, Lin Biao just kept
slacking, hoping to dodge Mao's final perch. He repeatedly asked for leave, citing poor health,
and refused to attend events. At some activities, he tried hard to speak less and avoid taking
positions, hoping to detach himself and return to his pre-Lushan state. When Romania's Ceausescu
visited China, Mao asked Lin Biao to accompany him. Lin Biao showed up, exchanged a few polite
words, then immediately retreated outside. I don't hear, I don't hear, so I can't hear, I don't have
to decide. At that point, Lin Biao summed up his political stance as the three no's. Apart from
highly praising Mao politically, on everything else, no responsibility, no suggestions, no offense.
He hoped this would buy him a peaceful ending. Of course, facing Lin Biao's attempt to jump ship
and his slacking, would Mao indulge him? This isn't a boat you can just leave when you feel like it.
Mao scolded him to his face. You are pretending not to want to join the movement but really you
want to be like Emperor Jiajing of the Ming dynasty, hiding behind a facade of aloofness
to protect yourself. After that, Mao quickly began sidelining Lin Biao. Just one year after being
named successor, criticism of him started. Mao let the Central Cultural Revolution group,
Jiang Qing, Zhang Chunqiao, and others meddle in military affairs and disrupt army order.
Lin Biao's old subordinates were repeatedly dragged out by Jiang Qing for struggle sessions
and self-criticism. At the same time, Jiang Qing tried to bypass the military commission office
and build her own people directly in the air force and the navy. Later, Mao even allowed Jiang Qing
to openly criticize Lin Biao, saying Lin Biao was running a bourgeois headquarters and was a fake
left, real right. Then, on August 23, 1970, at the Third Lushan Conference, just one year and
four months after being named legal successor, Lin Biao and Mao effectively broke with each other.
Mao ditched his lackey faster than a playboy dumps a girlfriend. After the break, Mao personally
stepped in, bypassing generals to attack Lin Biao directly. During a sudden tour, Mao said outright,
some people are in a hurry to become state chairman. And who was he talking about? Obviously,
Lin Biao. At that point, Lin Biao must have wanted to cry. I really don't want it,
I am really just trying to slack off, how am I suddenly trying to be state chairman?
So how did this guy who kept slacking and trying to slack his way through the storm end up in a
plane crash, dying with the aircraft destroyed? Here, we have to mention Lin Biao's son,
Lin Liguo. Lin Biao was saying, I am done fighting, I am in my 60s now, time to enjoy old age. But
Lin Liguo said, no dad, 60, 60 is the prime time to make a move, 60 and you have to fight. Don't
you have ideals anymore? Don't you have dreams? You don't want to be emperor, fine, but I want
to be crown prince. Lin Liguo was born in 1945 in Harbin, Lin Biao's only son. Like many red
second generation today, he didn't need to work. What work? When my dad led the PLA through the
he already did all the work I'd ever needed to do in this lifetime. No work, but the status still
had to keep rising. In 1969, with Lin Biao personally pulling strings and using connections,
24-year-old Lin Liguo became deputy director of the Air Force Command Office and the deputy head
of the operations department. That was a key post. All documents passed through his hands.
Everything in the Air Force had to be reported to him. He quickly gained access to a huge amount
of classified information. Of course, those years in the Air Force weren't wasted. Through the
information he controlled, he soon understood the situation. Things were extremely dangerous for the
Lin family. Mao was about to sacrifice his dad. Wolf in front, tiger behind. If you want glory,
you have to bet your life. Lin Biao might still hold it together in this bad spot,
but Lin Liguo couldn't. Dad, if you won't make a move, I will. Dad, you are slacking,
I will fight. So Lin Liguo started gearing up to pull off something big for his dad and Mao.
Not too big, not too small. He planned to assassinate Mao. To achieve this unprecedented
feat, a rather ridiculous document called 571 Engineering Outline appeared. Why 571? In Chinese,
it sounds like an armed uprising. Looking back, the whole thing seems comical and childish.
They say big things succeed through secrecy, especially something like rebellion when heads
roll. But Lin Liguo approached rebellion with the mindset of a modern internet entrepreneur.
He first set up a research group. The 571 Outline needs more like a startup pitch deck,
laying out various scenarios and countermeasures. He believed Lin Biao had three possible futures,
peaceful succession, being usurped, or early succession. For each, he listed responses,
including assassinating Mao. The assassination method included eight options, blow up the train,
blow up the railway bridge, use flamethrowers, direct pistol assassination, even bomb Zhongnan
Highway with a bomber. Don't be fooled by how elaborate the report sounds because he was so
clueless about politics and politically immature. The plan barely got off the ground. Before it
even reached a few investors, the startup project targeting Mao had already landed on Mao's desk.
Naturally, well-informed Lin Biao found out about the plan. By that point, what did Lin
Biao think of his son's clumsy rebellion scheme? He didn't think anything, because he had zero
knowledge of the specific details. He couldn't possibly know. If he had known even a little,
such a plan would never have been made. Forget Lin Biao's political philosophy of
turtle-up caution, he had come through decades of bloody struggle. No way someone like that would
approve such childish nonsense from his son. In the end, the plan was just Lin Liguo using his
dad's exhausted face cards, waving the big flag and borrowing the tiger's skin. Even without
participating, once Lin Biao knew his son had this plan, he knew he was finished. Sure, he didn't
join. Mao would probably realize that too. If Lin Biao had really been involved, it wouldn't have
been so absurd. But your son posed this stunt? That's just handing Mao a pillow when he's sleeping.
I've been shrinking, giving Mao no excuse to move against me. Now you are handing him the excuse.
I can't turtle up anymore, and I only have one son. Even if Mao spared me but kills my son,
what's the difference? While Lin Biao was nearly collapsing, hesitating what to do after the
exposure, Lin Liguo acted nonchalant. Exposed? So what? He refused to sit and wait for death.
He immediately tried to mobilize the united fleet he controlled for an all-or-nothing fight.
He also planned to fly his father to Guangzhou to set up a separate central committee and confront
Mao head-on. But while Lin Liguo was deciding when to assassinate Mao, Mao moved first. On the
evening of September 12, 1971, things suddenly accelerated. Mao returned to Beijing early,
around 4 in the afternoon. He first talked with Lin Biao's old subordinates at Fengtai
to calm them, while moving a division from the 38th army to stand by at Nankou. Lin Liguo also
hearing the news, flew from Beijing to Shanghai Guan around 7 that evening, then rushed by car to
Beidaihe and Lin Biao's residence. He shut himself in with his mother all night to discuss going to
Guangzhou the next morning. By then, Lin Biao was already mostly checked out. He only partially
knew about Lin Liguo's detailed plans. When Lin Liguo demanded he go to Guangzhou, Lin Biao was
full of question marks. At first, he refused. Too hot there. He insisted on Dalian. Only after
his wife Ye Qun persuaded him by saying Guangzhou had air condition, did he reluctantly agree.
This already full of holes plan then produced an even more absurd twist. Another Lin family
member wrecked the separate central committee idea. Lin Biao's daughter, Lin Doudou. He hadn't
joined the plan. Instead, he desperately ran to the central guard unit to report. Lin Liguo plans
to kidnap Lin Biao at dawn, flee to Guangzhou and possibly escape to Hong Kong. She urged the guards
to block it and save the chief. This was the earliest first-hand warning the central committee
received that night of September 12 in 2013. Among top CCP officials, Zhou Enlai got the news first.
After hearing it, he didn't immediately order arrests or shoot downs. He did two very restrained
but crucial things. First, he ordered all northern airports no plane takes off. This blocked Lin
Liguo from using air force authority to mobilize aircraft and actually bomb Zhongnanhai. Second,
he called to reassure Lin Biao, saying he would come to Beidaihe to see him. But for Lin Liguo,
who was already a frightened bird, this call was the last straw. The moment Zhou said he was coming
to Beidaihe, Lin Liguo understood the secret was out. It was. And Zhou was coming to arrest him.
Lin Liguo decided to leave immediately for the airport. The plan changed fast, from Guangzhou
separate center to the worst case, defect to the Soviet Union. He took every military secret he
hoping to use, Lin Biao and the secrets as bargaining chips for a Soviet comeback.
By then, Lin Biao had gone to bed and taken sleeping pills. The effect hadn't worn off.
He was dragged out of bed by Lin Liguo and others. His bodyguard later recalled, Lin Biao was in
pajamas, dazed, no voluntary movement at all. Two guards literally carried him out.
Meanwhile, Lin Doudou, who had already reported her birth father and younger brother,
kept reporting relentlessly. After 10 that night, she contacted Beijing's central guards
five more times, urging them to hurry and stop it. At the same time, because of Zhou's no-take-off
order, the airport gave Lin Liguo no clearance. He frantically used his privilege to demand the
plane take off. Under pressure, it took off in haste, but without permission. No navigation
lights, no tower guidance, no ground control. The plane Lin Biao was on lurched into the dark sky
like a drunk. It circled repeatedly over Shanghai Guan trying to find a direction, then headed
straight for the Soviet Union. When Mao heard, he went completely crazy. He had already planned
how to handle Lin Liguo's childish play Rebellion, demote, struggle Sessions, and use it to pull
Lin Biao down too. He never imagined the man holding China's core secrets would be dragged
into defection by his own son. At first, Mao refused to believe it. He ordered Zhou to verify
repeatedly. Only after the plane had been airborne over four hours, and guards searched everywhere
with no trace of Lin Biao, did Mao finally accept it. At that point, Mao completely broke. The entire
state apparatus went into the tightest war readiness since 1949 in just a few hours.
The whole top leadership held its breath, waiting for Lin Biao's next move. But unexpectedly,
the plane didn't fly far. At 2.25 am on the 13th, it crashed the Ongdo Khan in Mongolia.
Two years after becoming the legal successor, Lin Biao died. There are two main explanations for
the crash today. The first, now the official Chinese version, is a fuel shortage. The plane
was a Trident 256. Because everything happened suddenly, and the original plan was Guangzhou,
they hadn't filled the tanks. It took off with only 12.5 tons of fuel instead of the full 20 tons,
just enough for Guangzhou. The flight path was chaotic at first, burning even more fuel.
In the end, it ran out over Mongolia and crashed. But there is another theory, the infighting
version. A book by a Mongolian scholar, The Death of Marshal Lin Biao notes that although the black
box went to the Soviets, judging from the crash site instrument panel and explosion intensely,
there should still have been fuel on board, at least 2 tons. Not necessary enough to reach the
Soviet Union, but enough for a nearby airport. Also found in the wreckage were several pistols
and submachine guns. For a defection plane, carrying guns isn't strange, but all of them
were loaded and safeties off. So the Mongolian scholar concluded there may have been fighting
inside the plane. Some wanted to continue to the Soviet Union, others wanted to turn back to China.
The one wanting to return was likely the pilot. Later CCP statements somewhat support this.
In 1980, when Deng Xiaoping commented on the Lin Biao defection incident in an interview,
he said something very interesting. In his personal judgment, the pilot was a good man.
The pilot's death treatment also raises questions. There were 9 people on board, the other 8 were all
labeled defectors. Only the pilot was not. He was ruled a normal death in the line of duty
and given a pension. The reasons behind that are worth thinking about. Of course, the exact truth,
because the Soviet Union fell, but the CCP hasn't, can only gradually come out after the CCP
falls. Afterward, Lin Biao's daughter, the one who informed on her own parents, Lin Doudou,
didn't fare well either. She was treated as part of Lin's remnant clique, beaten half to death,
locked up for long interrogations, forced to confess Lin Biao's crimes over and over. During
detention, she once tried to kill herself with sleeping pills but failed. Only in 1974, after
repeatedly writing to Mao for help, did Mao approve ending her investigation. By then,
she had lost half her hair and six teeth. Looking back on Lin Biao's life, his entry
into the power game feels more like an accident. He was never a master or veteran of political
struggle. He had no ability to maneuver among monsters like Mao and Zhou Enlai. All he ever
wanted was a peaceful end. Before Lu Shan, he was actually doing fine. But when Mao threw him
that olive branch after Lu Shan, he couldn't hold back. Greed pulled him into the power game.
Once in, he found he couldn't get out. Of course, once you get tangled with a demon like Mao,
how could you possibly die peacefully? And Lin Biao's defection, Lin Liguo's betrayal,
it wasn't some grand heroic thing. The whole event just screams absurd and childish.
Perhaps whatever is happening between Zhang Youxia, He Weidong, and Xi Jinping is just as
absurd and childish. We just won't know the truth until the CCP collapses, or until the day Xi
steps down. Thank you so much for watching. If you find this video helpful, please like it,
drop a comment below, and hit the subscribe button right here. It really helps YouTube
suggest my video to others. I'll be back with more content soon. Until then, be well.