How One Murder and One Trial Broke Rome Forever - Ancient History

The success of Germanicus in Germania earned him a great deal of ire in Rome, resulting in his withdrawal from the region. But why did his family and career bring him head-to-head with the Emperor, whereas his father Drusus had been in Augustus' good graces? We'll dive into that and more as we explore the downfall and death of Germanicus. Welcome to our latest video on the history of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, in which the dust settles over a period of long and bitter wars in Germania, and one of Rome's greatest generals finds only bitterness and a worsening relationship with his Emperor awaiting him as his reward for his military accomplishments. And for true Romeheads out there, or anyone with an eye for a rare piece of history, allow us to direct you to our sponsor today, Kinza Coins. Kinza Coins make collecting ancient coins way easier than you'd think, whether you're starting from nothing or need high-end pieces for your elite collection. 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The first two years of Tiberius' reign were a rocky start, with both a mutiny and Germanicus' defiance of Augustus' orders blemishing his image. The tumult on the border was by no means exclusive, as in Rome, Tiberius' relationship with the Senate was already showing its cracks. Factionalism within the Senate had remained since the time of the Republic, even though the nature of those factions and their roles differed under the new Princeps. The selection of Tiberius as successor had partially appeased one of these two factions, that of the older senatorial families, from whom he drew most of his supporters and allies in the Senate. These were the descendants of the Optimates, also known as the Claudian faction. Their opponents, the Populares, had turned into the Julian faction, that consisted primarily of newer families elevated to senatorial and consular status. While these factions had grown accustomed to bowing their heads before the authority of Augustus in the public forum, in the arena of private life they still held significant sway. Under Tiberius, however, it would be the public forum where they suddenly found themselves butting heads with the new Princeps. Tiberius was a man of Stoic philosophy, a believer in the rule of law, the virtues of competent rule, and the primacy of the Senate. These seemingly positive qualities in a dictator indeed brought many changes to the Roman government that strengthened the power of Senate and curtailed the authority of the Princeps. However, Tiberius' sincerity often ignored his reality, as he often failed to understand that his presence and wishes heavily influenced the decisions of the Senate, a body now accustomed to following the direction of the Princeps for two generations. When Tiberius did not state his views, believing genuinely in the ability of the courts and Senate to operate with impartiality or in their own power, they often tried to deduce what the Princeps' views were and rule accordingly, causing conflict. Tiberius expected both competence from those who held office and for those offices to function as stated under Roman law, leaving him short-tempered with sycophants or the Senate's deference to his wishes. Thus, Tiberius' interventions in the Senate's actions were perceived as arbitrary and therefore tyrannical by both his contemporaries and later authors. These public clashes were detrimental to Tiberius' image and Germanicus' actions only worsened this perception. Foremost among Tiberius' discontent was Germanicus' own incompetence in the handling of the mutiny of 14 CE. Germanicus had both overstepped his bounds in promising concessions to the army of the Rhine and his failure to deliver those concessions once they had been promised led to further unrest among the soldiers. Tiberius also had castigated Germanicus for endangering his family and turning the army on itself, before ultimately being turned across the Danube. This brought about Tiberius' second vexation with Germanicus, which was his willingness to defy Augustus' wishes. For Tiberius, reverence for Augustus and his will was held in extremely high regard. Tacitus and Suetonius both note in his Pietas, among other sources, both his own respect for the recently deified emperor and his demand of others to exhibit the same reverence. Often, however, this dissatisfaction with obeying the wishes of Augustus was used by Tiberius as a cover for more serious offences, as shall be seen. Germanicus' return to Rome in early 17 CE was not marked by any major political scandal or internal conflict. In fact, quite the opposite occurred, as Germanicus was honoured with a triumph on the 26th of May. However, he would not stay long. The Parthian emperor Venones was the son of Fratis IV and had been a hostage under the Romans alongside his brothers in the years leading up to Augustus' death. After the death of Herodes III in 6 CE, he had been appointed by Augustus and ruled briefly from 8 to 12 CE, before he had been ousted by Artebanus II. Venones fled to Armenia, which had lacked a ruler after the assassination of Artebanus III by Tigranes IV and Erato, who themselves were then overthrown, and Venones seized the throne with Augustus' blessing in 12 CE. With Artebanus displeased at this outcome and Venones himself under threat from unrest in Armenia, the governor of Syria, a man named Quintus Caecilius Metellus Craticus Solanus recalled Venones to Syria, where he was kept under kingly conditions. In addition, many of Rome's eastern provinces were in the midst of unrest due to high taxes or tributes from client states. Sending a member of the imperial family to handle the situation had proved effective and had become the norm under Augustus, and the senate granted Germanicus pro consula imperium for all the provinces on the other side of the Adriatic to take control of the situation. However, Tiberius remained suspicious of Germanicus, who had ties to the governor of Syria via the marriage of his daughter with Germanicus' eldest son Nero. Solanus had been in the province since 11 CE, and for Tiberius to recall him aroused no suspicions. Instead, he sent a man named Piso. Piso was a man of consular standing and looked down upon the sons of Tiberius, convinced he had been appointed to specifically keep Germanicus in check. In return, Germanicus resented Tiberius' continuous distrust, fermented by Piso's tactless demeanor, further exacerbating the image of serious discord within the imperial family in the eyes of the senate and the populace. At the beginning of 17 CE, Germanicus sailed to the east, landing in Illyricum and proceeding south to Nicopolis near Actium, where he was elevated to his second consulship. Founded by Augustus to celebrate his victory, being elevated to the consulship in the city had a major influence on the public image of Germanicus, and this event must have been done specifically at Tiberius' behest, probably to repair the perception of discord between the emperor and his heir. Germanicus then proceeded to Athens, where he won favor of the Athenians by parading with but one licta, only for Piso to arrive and begin criticizing the heir of Tiberius and insulting the Athenians. Germanicus sailed to Lesbos where his wife Agrippina gave birth, while Piso made straight for Rhodes and was nearly shipwrecked in a storm, only to be saved by Germanicus. Still, this did not improve the relationship between the two men, and the obstinate Piso arrived in Syria and immediately began replacing officials and legionary officers with his own men. Piso handed out bribes, enabled corruption, and allowed the discipline of the soldiers to become lax, securing the loyalty of the army and putting himself in a dangerous position for Tiberius. Germanicus was aware of the situation in Syria, but his duties in Armenia prevented him from addressing it immediately. He sent Quintus Varanius to oversee the organization of Cappadocia as a province, and Quintus Servaeus to organize Comeghini as part of Syria, while Germanicus himself proceeded to Artaxata in Armenia. There, he appointed a man known to the Romans as Zeno, who had become popular among the Armenians for his embracing of their culture, and Germanicus himself placed the diadem upon Zeno's head as he was appointed their new king, Artaxias. This resolution was likely orchestrated by Tiberius, and seemed to have pleased Artabanus of Parthia as well. Germanicus had issued a dispatch to Piso in Syria to send a detachment of troops as an honor guard for this occasion, which Piso had flat out ignored. The two men agreed to a meeting at Chiras in Syria to resolve the dispute, but attitudes quickly soured as Germanicus' friends hurled accusations at Piso, and Piso browbeat Germanicus despite being his inferior. The men left as public enemies, and relations would only continue to deteriorate from that point forward. Later, at a banquet in Nabatea, Piso threw a fit over the gifting of luxurious gold crowns to Germanicus and Agrippina, which he saw as an obstinate display that flew in the face of Roman virtue. Germanicus merely sat in silence, unable to accost Piso due to his friendship with Tiberius, and the fact that Tiberius shared many of Piso's views. Despite the strife in Syria, Germanicus continued making progress on Rome's eastern border. Alongside securing the friendship of the Nabateans, Germanicus was invited to meet on the Euphrates by Artabanus II of Parthia, who sought to resolve the situation with Venones. Piso had kept Venones in a luxurious palace in Syria, having been enamored by Venones' gifts to him and his wife Plankina. In turn, Piso had sought to continue to instigate trouble in Parthia, intending to support Venones and his bid for the Parthian or Armenian thrones. Artabanus II's request reached Germanicus, who saw it advantageous to partially acquiesce. As such, Germanicus declined to meet, stating that it would only be proper for Artabanus to parley with Tiberius himself, but informed Artabanus II that he would be removing Venones from Syria and hosting him in Cilicia, lest to appease Artabanus so much as to spite Piso. But then Germanicus made a grave error, travelling south to Egypt to conduct official business in Alexandria, which he believed was part of his mandate. Germanicus entered the city wearing Greek dress as he had at Athens and parading without most of his lictors and associates, causing him to win widespread popularity. After first alleviating a local famine, Germanicus went on a tour of the province and sailed down the Nile to Syene, where, upon preparing to turn back, he finally received Tiberius' missive. Tiberius was seriously upset, as Germanicus had violated Augustus' mandate that no senator should set foot in Egypt without the explicit permission of the princeps. Tiberius' reverence for Augustus' will and the misunderstanding over the status of Egypt as not just a province but also still the private estate of the princeps deepened the mistrust and divide between Germanicus and Tiberius again. Having been effectively ordered to leave, Germanicus received yet further bad news that while he had been away, Piso had undone all of attempt to restore discipline in the Syrian legions and address the needs of the province's government and cities. While sending letters back and forth as Germanicus returned home, the young heir fell ill but recovered, only to relapse back into illness. Germanicus was convinced he had been poisoned by Piso, formally renouncing his official friendship with Piso and ordering him to leave Syria. Germanicus, lying on his deathbed, asked his associates to avenge his death and bring Piso and Plankina to justice. Germanicus died somewhere en route to Antioch on the 10th of October 19 CE, his last words being to his wife Agrippina, whom he asked to temper her lust for the throne. The funeral was conducted in Antioch with little ceremony and the vacant governorship fell to Cnaeus Centius Saturninus, one of Germanicus' associates. Agrippina and Germanicus' friends Vitellius and Veranius then set sail for Rome, already having arrested a notorious poisoner named Martina to make their case against Piso and Plankina. Meanwhile, Piso's friend Domitius Keller and a cadre of centurions had come to the island of Kos, where he had fled and persuaded Piso to attempt to regain his governorship. Piso sailed back to Syria against his better judgment and took command of a force of deserters, new recruits, and some Cilician auxiliary regiments, while Domitius went ahead to try and persuade Legio VI Verrata to join them. Centius quickly dismantled Piso's attempt to reassert control and shipped Piso to Rome to await trial. By the time news reached Rome of Germanicus' illness, rumours immediately began circulating that Tiberius and Livia had been involved in the affair, as the public's perception of internal discord seriously damaged Tiberius' position. Tiberius and Livia's refusal to attend the procession back to Rome and then their denial of a state funeral only exacerbated the public's resentment. In reality, Tiberius and Livia simply knew that nothing good could come of showing their faces before the public at the procession or funeral, as the populace had already made up its mind about their involvement and donning a mask would have only brought accusations of hypocrisy. Tiberius now had to navigate the waters of an extremely public trial and a troubled future for his reign. The trial was already off to a bad start when the poisoner killed herself upon landing at Brundisium, to which the public immediately cried foul play. Piso sent his son Marcus ahead to Rome, who was received impartially by Tiberius, granting him the customary waiving of his expenses by the state, while Tiberius had recalled his son Drusus from Illyricum, where he had been learning military command with allegiance. Meanwhile, Piso landed at Ancona and entered the city with his entourage to much pomp, hosting a party in his lavishly decorated house overlooking the forum, enraging the mob. Fulcinius Trio, who had been the prosecutor in the trial of Libo three years before in 16 CE, brought forth charges against Piso, but Germanicus' associates Vitellius and Veranius intervened, taking up the prosecution themselves. Tiberius was asked to preside over the case, as the consuls wanted little to do with such a public trial or the consequences of the ruling, but Tiberius refused, knowing that if Piso were found innocent or acquitted, then the public's accusations that the princeps himself was involved would be validated. Tiberius did give a speech at the beginning of the case, asking the senate both to ignore irrelevant accusations about Piso's character and private affairs and focus on the real charges, that of murder and sedition or treason based on his conduct in Syria. He also requested that the senate avoid being influenced by either his own person or the public's accusations when deciding the case. Two days were given to the prosecution to make their case. Then, after a recess of six days, the defendants would be given three days to make their arguments. Vitellius and Veranius brought forward serious accusations, arguing that Piso had bribed or won over the worst elements in the Syrian legions and government to incite a rebellion after murdering Germanicus with a mix of poison and magic. The defense's position was incredibly weak. Piso had ordered the interruption of sacrifices to Germanicus' health while he was ill, and he had indeed incited a brief civil war in Syria in a bid to regain his post after Germanicus' death, having had to be defeated in battle before he could be brought to trial. Piso's defendants were his brother, Lucius Calpurnius Piso, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, and Livinaeus Regulus. This defense council focused on refuting the charge of murder, on which Tacitus states the prosecution's story was so outrageous that it was unbelievable. Unfortunately for Piso, a mix of popular hysteria and political motivations biased the Senate severely, and his advocates had no hope of cutting through it to make them see reason. The only alternative to a guilty verdict was the rioting mob outside, who tore down Piso's statues in their clamor for a lynching. Piso was escorted home under the protection of the Praetorians, where he found Plankina had abandoned him and thrown herself before the mercy of Livia. While he still had the support of his sons, Piso returned to the court for the next day of the defense, but with the Senate unwilling to listen, he returned home that night and was found dead the next morning, having cut his own throat. The outcome of the trial only spurred further conflict between Tiberius and the Senate. Plankina's trial had been swift, and she was acquitted by Tiberius specifically at Livia's request. Piso's sons, Marcus and Gnaeus, were also exonerated, as Marcus opposed his father's insurrection before being forced to follow him to Syria, and Gnaeus was in Rome the entire time. The Senate, however, was out for blood. The Senator, Cotta Messalina, demanded that Piso's name be struck from the fasti, and his estate confiscated. Furthermore, he demanded that Gnaeus change his prenomen, that Marcus be exiled for a decade, and that it specifically be recorded that Plankina was spared at the instigation of Livia. This was a direct insult to Tiberius, who refused all of these demands. Instead, a proclamation thanking the princeps and his heir's families for their role in avenging Germanicus was decreed, and the prosecutors were awarded priesthoods and Tiberius' support in their future careers. Just days later, on May 28th, Drusus celebrated his ovation as the new heir apparent to Tiberius. Ultimately, Piso's trial brought Tiberius' internal struggle to the forefront. Whereas Tiberius somewhat still believed in republicanism, his friend Piso, in his callous, blunt, and tactless manner, had acted not only in his earnest belief in it, but as if it still functioned. Meanwhile, Tiberius had been forced to play politics to keep his ambiguous relationship with Germanicus intact, and was now confronted with the consequences of his decisions in lying to himself and behaving hypocritically in his veneration for Augustus and preserving those mandates and dictates. As Tiberius' conflict with the senate escalated, and his desire to be rid of the affairs of state once more came to the forefront, new men would enter the political arena and power in Rome would be reshaped with fear. Next time, we'll introduce Sejanus and see Tiberius the tyrant on full display, as his treason trials shake the senate and Rome to its core. If you don't want to miss that and many other historical videos, make sure you are subscribed and have pressed the bell button to see them. Please, consider liking, subscribing, commenting, and sharing- it helps immensely. Recently, we have started releasing weekly patron and youtube member exclusive content. 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