David Wurmser, senior analyst at the Center for Security Policy and former Senior Advisor to former Vice President Dick Cheney, tells NTD that Saudi Arabia’s designation as a major non-NATO ally is highly significant to the world order. This comes as the Crown Prince and President Donald Trump informed the crowd in the Oval Office that 9/11 was meant to disrupt relations between the two nations. -- 📺 Watch NTD News 24/7 on cable, broadcast, and streaming: https://www.ntd.com/watch
President Trump announced that the US
will designate Saudi Arabia a major non
US ally. Joining us to discuss is David
Wormser, senior analyst at the Center
for Security Policy and former senior
adviser to Vice President Cheney on the
Middle East and Strategic Affairs. So
David, good afternoon to you. Um, this
designation, you know, comes uh with a
number of benefits for Saudi Arabia,
like for example, easier access to US
military equipment. I mean, does this
signal that Saudi Arabia is now among
Washington's closest partners?
>> Well, yes. It definitely draws uh Saudi
Arabia a lot closer after a decade or
more of some tense relationships between
the United States and Saudi Arabia. But
it actually returns Saudi Arabia to a
role it's had for most of the last which
is to be one of the most important
American allies in the region. So this
really restores a sort of relationship
rather than paves a whole new way.
>> So President Trump said today that uh
the US Saudi Arabia partnership is one
of the most consequential in the world
and you're saying that um this restores
the relationship. Why does the Trump
administration consider it so critical?
>> Well, I mean, uh, first of all, just the
oil. There's there's a lot of oil in
Saudi Arabia, but Saudi Arabia also
holds tremendous influence over several
other countries in the region such as
Bahrain and so forth. These countries
have major strategic assets like a naval
base in Bahrain. Uh,
Sentcom is in uh, Qatar. uh but we have
major assets otherwise in Saudi Arabia
and of course there's a lot of oil
natural gas in the UAE, Saudi Arabia and
elsewhere. So there's a lot of uh
strategic importance to that but there's
a further strategic importance which is
new which is this new corridor emerging
between India the UAE Saudi Arabia
Israel and Greece and that that is an
important trade corridor but really it's
a strategic alliance emerging that
creates a southern belt to stop the
Chinese belt and road which is pushing
in from the north and is anchored more
to Qatar, Iran, [clears throat]
parts of Afghanistan, Turkey. Uh so it
it has a major strategic play. It also
is a major question over the
Palestinians and who really governs the
essence of the Palestinian question. And
the Israelis trust the Saudis a lot
more, Saudis and the UAE a lot more than
they trust Qatar and Turkey. And as a
result, the more Saudi Arabia emerges as
the voice of the Palestinian question,
the more actually the Israelis are
comfortable
with with uh proceeding forward on that
issue.
>> So David, you brought up, pardon me,
David, you brought up uh China's Belt
and Road uh initiative. You also brought
up Iran. So Russia as well also playing
significant roles in the Middle East
region. um all of which have complicated
relationship uh with the US as well. So
my question here is how aligned are
Saudi Arabia's goals with the US
interests in this region?
>> I think they're they're quite closely
aligned. They're not entirely identical,
but they're quite closely aligned more
so than sometimes Washington
appreciates. Uh because the Saudis
always hedge a little bit. They are very
cautious by nature and as a result
sometimes they hedge a little bit with
China and otherwise and that gives the
impression that there's light of day but
Saudi Arabia would love nothing more
than a robust United States a very
committed United States and a very
confident United States because it has
always thrived the most when that
happens. So in many ways Saudi Arabia's
relationship with the United States does
reflect a strong parallel of interests.
The fact that the Saudis and the
Israelis are drawing closer
strategically, not necessarily peace
yet, but strategically that it
reinforces the American presence in the
region without a huge American
commitment.
So David, there there's one thing that I
have to ask you because a reporter
yesterday during the meeting between
Muhammad bin Salman and President Trump
asked about 911 and the crown prince
said that uh the 9/11 plot was used by
bin Laden to drive a wedge in US Saudi
relations. Would you just be able to
comment on that? How has 9/11 shifted US
foreign policy on the Middle East or
changed the relationship with Saudi
Arabia?
>> Well, it's interesting. I mean, I I
think the Saudi role in 9/11 has never
been fully appreciated. I think it was
uh the Saudis had a policy before 911 of
trying to export some of their internal
problems. They funded some of these
organizations abroad that led to 9/11.
And but but as soon as that happened,
the Saudis understood it and they
cooperated with us in the war on terror.
This is already 26 24 years ago. So
they've been a fairly good ally in those
in those issues on Islam, Islamism, the
radical jihadis and so forth. Uh
moreover, their nemesis in the region,
Qatar has gone the other direction.
Qatar has become the main funer now of
the Muslim Brotherhood and the various
terror world that emerges from that. Uh
so in many ways the Saudis despite the
fact that they really were not careful
and they were complicit in 911 not
wittingly but unwittingly by having
funded some of these organizations that
went bad really bad. Uh they actually
are playing the productive role in this
and the Qataris are the ones we should
be worrying about now.
Okay, David, just one last thing that
I'm wondering today. Uh I'm curious to
get your comments on because President
Trump brought up the Board of Peace. How
well is that going to work to oversee an
interim government in Gaza? Trump says
uh heads of major countries will be on
it.
>> It will work well only when it doesn't
work at the beginning. And by that I
mean I think it's fairly clear by now
that Kamas has no intention of disarming
and that there's no international
coalition of forces that will disarm
Hamas. And that's an that's a that's a a
bottleneck. It it has to be disarmed. So
in the end, the only thing that can
really bring about the disarmament of
Hamas is Israel finishing the war, which
I believe is coming. that they will have
to go into the remainder of Gaza and
physically dismantle Hamas and comb the
area and and and then the uh Board of
Peace can come in and help really begin
to reestablish and rebuild Gaza. And I
think the Saudis and others, that's what
the critical issue is. They know nobody
will go in as long as Hamas continues to
exist. uh it's just too dangerous and it
will it will always lead to a a loss of
investment. So it's really a
precondition that we have a problem
first which is that the Israelis will be
forced essentially to go in violently to
disarm Hamas and then we really have a
board of peace and a structure where
people will send their troops to keep
the peace and begin to develop Gaza.
>> Well, okay, David, that should do it for
today. Really appreciate you always
talking to us. Thank you.
>> Sure. No problem.