A Giorgia Meloni unrestrained on Porta a Porta interviewed by Bruno Vespa. Don't miss it.

Let's start with the regional elections. The Carabinieri and La Carabiniera have gone well for the centre-right, with some successes that at the start reinforced both, and above all reinforced the Carabinieri. Some of the majority parties are doing better, some worse. Do you think there could be some nervousness within the majority in this sense, or not? No, I don't see any nervousness within the majority. I'm very happy for these two more wins. I have to remind you that when you voted for the political elections, if we calculated, even Sicily voted 16 times in three years, because this is Italy. We don't miss anything. We don't miss anything between regions and autonomous provinces. And the centre-right has stopped 12 times out of 16, the centre-left has stopped three times. Then there's the case of the Valle d'Aosta, which is a particular case because it doesn't have a direct election of the president. So I think that if we wanted to have an idea of how things are going, we would have it clear, and it's in line with what we read in the polls. For me it's very important, I want to say. For me it's very important because I believe, I confirm that Italians see the results, and they see when you give it your all. Even when I don't agree with everything. And above all, I think Italians understand when you try to treat them a bit like fools. Like you do when, the day before the vote, you propose the suspension of the car tax for Calabrians, or like you do when, as happened in the Marches, you say, vote for me, in the Marches, you'll have the state in Palestine. I think that Italians instead show that they look at the government results, that both in Calabria and in the Marches they were good results, and I think that's also what happens with the national government, even in the thousands of difficulties we have, in the thousands of things we'd like to be able to do better, with the limits. But I think that today we see that there's a government that has the national interest as a compass, a national interest that certainly can't be saved. Well, the economic parameters are very good, the employment, the spread, the savings on interests, but a lot of people are not well. Well, look, certainly the situation, historically, of Italy, the situation we inherited, the situation in recent years, it wasn't an easy situation. In the international context in which we move, it's an even more complex situation. The choices the European Union has made in recent years, in many cases, have not helped. There's certainly still a lot of work to be done, but if the subject we're discussing here in LA is that there are still a lot of people who are in trouble, I have to go, for example, to the purchasing power of wages, and what all the numbers say is that in the last ten years, before this government, the purchasing power of wages of Italians had gone up by two points, while in Europe it grew by two and a half, and with this government the trend has reversed. Wages have grown again, more than inflation. Why? Because clearly, knowing that we had this problem, low wages, so people who were slipping, working towards poverty, as you know, we spent the bulk of the resources we had to strengthen those wages. Not for, let's say, beneficial measures that were used to buy easy consent, as we've seen happen many times, but a strengthened fiscal union, a structural system, incentives for those who create employment, to, let's say, create new jobs, we tried to strengthen that purchasing power, and the results are slowly coming. Clearly, we have to insist on this strategy. There's the new balance sheet law. Will you continue on this path? Yes, we'll continue on this path. You know that, let's say, in this case, we'd like to give ourselves the objective of also giving a signal to the middle class, which is also very important. We've focused so far on, let's say, lower incomes, and I think it's important now to try to widen the audience. It always depends on the resources we have as a whole, but there are different proposals in the study. A balance sheet for a group? Exactly, let's say, for the group that reaches 50,000. Last year, we focused on the fiscal union, then, with the incorporation of the first two aliquots, we focused on the income, which reaches 28,000 euros per year, and talking about the middle class would mean talking about the second step, so reaching 50,000. But there are a number of measures in the study, because, as always, with the few resources you have, you have to try to understand how to spend the same money by impacting better, that is, by giving greater benefit, and so we're studying. In the next few hours, there will also be meetings of competent ministers, of the majority, to study all the measures we've put in the study this week. President, the Kirk homicide has fueled the spiral of hatred, which seems to have come from the United States also in Italy. What are you afraid of? Well, I'm afraid of a climate that is getting worse, a lot, Director. Italy is a nation that has already faced this story, crossed it, right? I see a lot of things that we're starting to take for granted and they're not normal. I see... I can speak for what I see from my observatory. I no longer count the threats of death. I don't count them. I don't even have time to report them. And I think that here there are also responsibilities. Of whom? Well, of those who, for example, say that you have dirty hands. Of those who, as a person, who is part of the ruling class of this nation, says that I, this government, are accomplices of genocide. Do you know what it means to accuse someone of being an accomplice of genocide? I think that there is no longer the meaning of the words that are used, and that are used knowing that it is false, to make propaganda. And this is very serious, Director. Very serious. And I say this because I come from a political history that has been accused for decades of instigating hatred. But I have never, not even remotely, allowed myself to use such tones with the government when I was in the opposition. And I knew how to do it. I did the opposition for ten years. But there was no need to say that one was an accomplice of genocide. I was, I, Minister Grosetto, Minister Tagliani, and I believe the Administrator and Delegate of Leonardo, Roberto Cingolani, we were denounced by the International Criminal Court for genocide. Now, I believe that there is no other case in the world and in the history of such a denunciation. So, if you are in Parliament, if you are invited to talk shows, that is, if you are a class leader, if the professors who teach at universities, in some cases, use these tones, it is up to the common citizen who listens, obviously, to believe it, and it is up to these common citizens who listen, someone decides, let's say, to react. I really am, frankly, quite basid, I am shocked, because then everyone knows, we would be accomplices of genocide for the weapons of Israel. This is a falsity. Because anyone who knows history knows that Italy did not authorize new, let's say, supplies of weapons to Israel after October 7th. And I tell you more, for those who are intellectually honest, we were one of the nations in Europe that had the most rigid position. Because France, Macron, who recognizes the State of Palestine, made that choice a year after us. Germany did it this August. Great Britain blocked, I believe, 30 supplies out of 350. We held the most rigid position and we are accused of something we did not do, with tones that are surreal, by those who should be the ruling class of this nation. I think it calls for responsibility. I go on, I do my job, I know that the Italians see it, I am not afraid of anything. I am afraid of the climate that is getting worse. I am afraid of the fact that if there is such a signal given by those who are the ruling class, it can only get worse. And look, the murder of Kirk is really a murder that needs to be reflected on, because a boy, this is the story of Charlie Kirk, he was a normal student, a boy, who at a certain point decides to go in front of schools and universities, he sat down with a bench and with a sign that said Prove me wrong. Whoever wanted, could take a microphone in front of him, question him about anything, and he would answer. On all the topics that are considered the most thorny, ethical topics, on all the subjects, he was very good, he was very effective. At a certain point, these demonstrations became hyper-participatory, but he, always with a smile on his face, answered everyone, in the end he always said thank you for bringing your point of view, but he was effective. He was effective in dismantling, with logic, theses that are illogical. He was afraid of this, and I have seen it happen many times, that when someone does not have arguments, he is afraid of those who have arguments, and when you are afraid of those who have arguments, the only thing you can do is say he is unpredictable, I do not have to confront him. And we see it happen in Italy every day. We see it happen when they prevent people from speaking at the university, we see it happen when Francesca Albanese says that a daily director that she does not share should not be invited to speak on television, we see it happen on a thousand occasions, but they are always left-wing speakers. Let's go back to the TG1. Renzi said, Meloni wants to go to the queen, he wants to take full power, and I will do everything to stop him. Do you have this aspiration? Look, director, the problem of those who have thought all their lives only that the position should be covered is that they think that others are like them. I think in a slightly different way. I am the president of the council, I can assure you that it is enough for me. After that, however, we will do everything to stop Senator Renzi, I am not new. The opposition only talks about me. The other day I heard Giuseppe Conte say, we are not allies of the PD, we have a project, which is to send Meloni home. Renzi, as a project, has prevented Meloni from going to the queen. But when they sent me home, or when they prevented me from going to the queen, and they go there, can they also tell us what to do? Because politics is made to say this, that is, you should have. I would like to get to the government of the nation because I have this idea of ​​Italy, this idea of ​​foreign policy, this idea of ​​industrial policy, this idea of ​​economic policy, and I would like to realize it, and you should explain to the Italians what it is. But we don't have this, we are together, we do politics, and we do our battles against Meloni, specifically. I reason in another way, if they are happy, and they do so, I don't know how many citizens, let's say, will decide to support them simply to send Meloni home, because I think that citizens, even those who want to send Meloni home, then hope to have a government that can take care of them. Everyone assumes that you will make a new electoral law, putting the candidate's name on the list of different parties. On the electoral card? Yes. Is this the way? Well, look, the electoral law does not compete with the government, it competes with the parliament, clearly. Then I ask you as the head of the Italian fraternity. So, I am not against a new electoral law, if a new electoral law were made, I would be in favor of making an electoral law that also goes well with the prime minister, and therefore, yes, I would be in favor of the indication of the prime minister on the electoral card. But will the prime minister go ahead or will the electoral law... Yes, I have just confirmed that the prime minister will go ahead. For me, for this reason, it would not make sense to possibly make another electoral law and then to have to make another one after the referendum on the prime minister. In short, so much so that, let's say, if he decided to do it, he would already do it imagining what could happen next. While in Gaza we are taking steps forward and this evening Massa said very well a month and a half from the summit in Alaska zero carbon how to say it nothing but the force NATO Europe will have the strength to resist and continue to give aid to Ukraine. Trump is not being fooled in his opinion. Well, I think it is quite evident let's say today also to President Trump also, let's say, to the Americans that between the two parties in question the one that certainly is not available to take steps forward towards peace is Russia. Because from the beginning of the efforts that Trump has made to reach peace the ceasefire has been asked Ukraine has given the absence a high-level meeting has been asked Ukraine has given the absence and yet it has never taken a step forward. I believe that for this reason Europe NATO which means also the United States must continue to resist let's say together also because Director I think that it is necessary to understand what is happening also with respect to a certain propaganda that is made by the Russians and in some cases also in our country. You have seen that there have been a series of provocations drones in the European cells. What is my reading on why Russia provokes? My reading on why Russia provokes is twofold. First it provokes above all the border nations to scare the opinion Poland to scare the public opinion of those nations because the public opinion clearly is led to believe if we risk a threat we must not disregard our defence so we do not send weapons to Ukraine particularly the air defence. Strategy. After that however the other reason for which Putin raises let's say the verbal clash with NATO is that he has a problem and the problem is that he had announced a summer offensive that should have conquered Donbass the summer is over and the front has not moved because based on what the propaganda says in the last thousand days of war Russia has conquered less than 1% of the Ukrainian territory. I say this also to respond to those who say that Ukraine should help Ukraine because the war was a lost war. However when Putin let's say provokes on the European he is testing NATO and if he is testing NATO he is not testing Italy France Germany he is testing the United States I believe that the Americans understand this well and I believe that this is also a good guarantee that we can have against a possible American on the Ukrainian Another thing is the issue of the Americans who have declared that they want to disengage with respect to the protection of our security. It is true that we are paying in the last round we are paying for the weapons of Ukraine in the last round we are paying for them Europe is paying now we are studying together with the United States new initiatives that concern for example the frozen assets of Russia so there is a work that we continue to do together aware that particularly in front of this refusal from Putin to make some steps forward the only way as always is to create pressure and the pressure is created by continuing to support Ukraine and with the sanctions But if the idea Trump always oriented to give to Ukraine those famous sytoms that are very important to our to that to that and we to that and we have to do we still have to do that and we do that and we have to that and You don't want to feed the war. It's exactly the opposite. You spend in defense to guarantee peace. You spend in defense because peace is not built by decanting it. I want peace! Or by hoping in the good heart of others. Or by deflating the flags. Peace is built with deterrence. That is, if you want to be sure, or reasonably sure, of having peace, you have to make it very dangerous to move to war. Why doesn't anyone attack nuclear power plants? Because it's very dangerous. So, is it easier for you to be attacked at home if you have the door open and the windows open? Or is it easier for you to be attacked at home if you have the locks, the armored door, the cameras, the alarm? This is the issue of defense spending. And that's why I think that the issue of defense spending in Europe is an important issue. Clearly, in a world that is evolving towards chaos, because we see it, that the fires of crisis are multiplying, and we have on the other side the United States that say, attention, European gentlemen, it's time that you take care of your defense because we want to dedicate ourselves to others. Let's put it this way, primarily to others. Which, for many, is a drama, but I consider it good news. Can I say that, Director? Because it's not that we've had the American umbrella in recent years, as Conte would say, for free. When you ask someone else to take care of your safety, that someone else doesn't do it for free. And so this produces a limit for you in the possibility that you have to defend your national interests. This is it. I'm very angry with those who say, we are subordinate to the Americans, and who say, at the same time, we shouldn't spend in defense. Of course Europe has been subordinate to the Americans, because the Americans took care of our safety. But I want an Italy that is not subordinate to anyone. I say this as a very friendly country of the United States of America. It is the reason why I think that for our national interests and for our tranquility and our peace, it is necessary to spend in defense. After which, the instruments that the European Union has put at our disposal, allow us to spend in defense without taking one euro from any other chapter of the balance sheet of the Italian state. As you know, safe funds are additional resources, they are long-term loans, in advantageous conditions, that allow us to take care of ourselves, to increase our defense capacity, without taking one euro from everything else we do. I'll tell you more. We intend to spend these resources, looking at our own interests. So, production in Italy, which means jobs, which means innovation, which means technology. Concentrate on the so-called dual use instruments, that have both a civil and a military use. And here you go from cyber to subacute domain, going through military health. There are infrastructures, there are a thousand things that can be done. And I think that, let's say, by spending these resources in this way, we can put our nation in safety, we can also strengthen its productive capacity and competitiveness, and we can, let's say, stay in line with the commitments we make. Because even here, well, I, who preceded me, signed the commitments and then said, it's not true. Or rather, he signed the commitments and said, okay, but then we don't respect them. Which nation in the world is respected if it behaves like this? I think that, let's say, the idea of this happy Italy comes from these methods. If you can't or don't want to sign a commitment, you respect a commitment or you don't sign it. I think that when you respect a commitment, you sign it, and I sign it because I'm convinced it's for this nation, then you must also respect it. When does the DAZI telenovela end? Every now and then it discovers one, now it's the turn of the pasta. Do we still have treatment margins in other sectors that have been hit or have been verified? Let's put it this way. So, in the meantime, let's say, the DAZI telenovela, for all the news we've heard in recent weeks, doesn't concern us. I say this, for example, in the pharmaceutical sector, at some point there was panic, rightly, in the pharmaceutical sector, because the United States announced DAZI at 100% on the pharmaceutical sector for those who didn't produce in the United States. I knew it, we knew it, it's one of the reasons why we accepted a 15% agreement, let's say, flat, for everyone, even for pharmaceuticals. So those are the ones that, let's say, are waiting for Europe. Then, in this picture, let's say, we can try to explain to our American friends that there are some products that they can never cover up with internal production and, let's say, that it doesn't bring them a great profit to make, let's say, this can be done. I mean, I explained to my counterpart, with all the phone calls we made on this subject, the example... Your counterpart would be Trump. Well, yes, yes. Well, excuse me. My counterpart, the interlocutor of various... Let's put it this way. I often spoke with the Secretary of Commerce, who dealt with... Yes, more specifically. But, for example, Minister Lollobrigida showed me a bottle of extra virgin olive oil that starts from the Italian market for 5 euros and is sold in the American supermarket for 22 dollars. And I say, gentlemen, I'm afraid you're risking hitting more your distributors and your merchants than how much you hit the Italian producer. So... And extra virgin olive oil, Italian, like many other productions, it's not that you cover them up or replace them with Parmesan, Reggiano, Grana Padano productions. It's not that... So, I think, and I hope, that margins, in short, over the average distance, when the situation calms down, can still be there. So, have you found, together with the regions, a way to reduce waiting lists? Well, you'll remember, because we also talked about it in one of our interviews, that we did this very articulated procedure in which we introduced some novelties, the main one of which was the obligation for the doctor who makes the prescription to indicate what was the maximum limit of the prescription, the maximum time, and the obligation for the regions to respect that parameter, also by, of course, making use of it, when necessary, of the conventional system. We did the flat rate, 15%, on the extraordinary doctors. We gave them the opportunity to do the screening also during the weekend, also during the evening hours. We have, as you know, put more funds for health care. After that, there was a slowdown, especially in relation to the regions, where the trigger was the will of the government to also provide substitute powers where things did not work. The thing, let's say, at the beginning created a bit of difficulty, but I don't think, I don't think you can even ask the government to continue to put more money every year, but not to be able to intervene in any way when things don't work, also because we want to intervene, if necessary, to give a hand. So you confirm substitute powers. Yes, then at a certain point we found, let's say, a solution, and then the mechanism started to work. What I can tell you today is that in the first seven months of this year, that is, from January to July, for the surveys we have, compared to the same period of the previous year, which means that if we continue at this pace, we can reach the end of the year with an increase of about 2 million in performance, which means, especially for the regions that apply the system that the government has put in place, the instruments that the government has put in place, things are starting to work better. Federica told me, the president of the regions, that the more performances are made, the more performance is required. The problem is that the statistics on inappropriate performance give devastating results. This is a huge issue. This is a huge issue on which, let's say, we also need to involve family doctors, basic doctors, because we need a hand there. It is also true that this is an issue that also involves the whole issue of the responsibility of the doctors. It is true that the more you run the risk, the more in doubt you send to prescribe everything. But there has been, especially in recent years, especially after COVID, there has been an explosion that does not help us, because clearly, for this reason, we have also imposed that we also say the timing, because whoever prescribes the exams to be done also tells us what the priorities were, because otherwise it becomes very difficult. So, despite the alarmist voice, tourism has gone very well, but there is no doubt that a lot of people do not have money for the umbrella this year. So, tourism, despite the controversies, the attempt to say that tourism was going badly, also, let's say, spreading fake news, which does not help us, because then, let's say, it is also marketing. Tourism this year recorded about 4 million tourists in Italy compared to the previous year. We have surpassed Spain, we are the fifth most visited country in the world, we are about to become the fourth most visited country in the world. I say this because it is also the result of a strategy that we have put in place on tourism. We have made several proposals that I do not list because it clearly becomes very long, but the concept is to de-seasonalize and de-localize. That is, we are looking as much as possible to expand the capacity that Italy has to attract tourism, both throughout the year and in a widespread way on the territory. And here we have done a great job regarding the internal areas, regarding the mountain, also de-seasonalized, regarding the valorization of our villages and on de-seasonalization there is the whole theme of touristic tourism, of enogastronomic tourism, of religious tourism. That is, Italy is a nation that, long live God, has to offer everything and we have to take advantage of it. We have carried out this strategy and I think that this strategy is also giving us some good results. Then on the subject, let's go back to the question that we said before. We obviously have concentrated, we continue to concentrate all our main attention on helping the low-middle-income families, on raising the low-middle-income salaries precisely to help people to have that condition that also allows you to put on the umbrella during the summer. She thinks of winning the referendum on the separation of careers, on the reform of the magistracy and therefore also on the separation of careers. Look, I think that we are giving Italy, the Italians and justice a historic opportunity. Which is the opportunity to free the Italian magistracy from the conditions of politics, from the malappianta of politicized currents and thus doing we give the possibility to strengthen the separation of powers, the third party of the judge, to recognize more the merit of the magistrates who are worth and also to make sure that for those who make mistakes there are sanctions every now and then. So they are norms of common sense that I think are shared by the majority of Italians, perhaps even something more. I think they are also shared by several political exponents of the opposition who do not have the courage to say it or do not say it because it is necessary to say no to everything that this government proposes. And so we'll see. But I did my part, we are committed to making a reform, we did that reform. After that, that reform at a certain point will reach the conspiracy of the Italian people and it will be the Italian people who will have to say what they think. The only thing I hope is that when the Italians will vote, they will do it based on the merit of the reform. In the meantime, because these referendums will not have consequences on the government. We will finish our mandate and we will represent the Italians at the political elections to be judged on the complex of the work we have done. But secondly, it is more important, Director, because the governments pass but the rules, especially the constitutional ones, remain. And so, when you go to vote on these matters, it is good to vote looking at the merit of the reform and not looking at the political conditioning or at voting for one thing to get another. It is important to vote in the merit because in the merit, that is an excellent reform. President, we have already said that the economic parameters have been better for many years. But compared to other countries, Italy is growing less. Why? Historically... We don't have this push because it means better wages, it means everything. Historically, the question of growth, which is an Italian structural problem... But the two issues that limit our growth are low employment and low productivity. We know it. It is the reason why we have put resources to encourage employment. There will also be, in the new law of balance, resources to encourage employment and resources to invest. Here we need to strengthen this work. We have done it with the Ires premium. You know that the Ires premium rewards those who invest in innovation. This serves to increase productivity in these areas. In particular, we need to work more on investment. There are a thousand factors that contribute to growth in Italy. Stability contributes to growth. It contributes to growth because it gives continuity to the strategy and attracts foreign investments. In three years, we have attracted about 80 billion foreign investments. This becomes employment and growth. ZESS, having invested in the midday regions, is a tool that promotes growth. I really want to say this because I am very proud of what is happening in the South. After we have said for decades that we cannot do anything, that we cannot save you, that we keep you there, we have invested in the pride of these people and we have created as many tools that allow those who live in the South to compete with equal weapons. We have done this with infrastructure, increasing the overall percentage that is invested in the midday regions. We have done this with ZESS. Today, the South is the locomotive of Italy. Employment is growing more than the national average. The GDP is growing more than the national average. This means that there was another way, the way of believing in yourself. I want to see how much you are worth. Show me how much you are worth. and how that can work Clearly, ZESS has brought with it, besides the tax credit, the unique authorization. That's extraordinary because bureaucracy is another dramatic leap that we have for growth. Now, we are thinking about whether this model can be a little bit enlarged, always compatibly with the European links we have. The last thing I want to tell you, because it's my little ball and I often work with it, is the cost of energy. We have a cost of energy that, unfortunately, in Italy is absolutely... I am one of the orphans of nuclear power in 1986. We are orphans, it is clearly a set of decades of choices, but it is necessary, although it is a matter of incredible complexity, to find a way to structurally reduce the cost of energy. And on this, among other things, there are also some opposition parties, sometimes they make proposals that seem more than sensible to me, in short, the calendar, for example, and I am willing to work with everyone on this matter, because it is an extremely important matter in my opinion. If we can give signals, this helps a lot the competitiveness of the press. Yes, this evening a surprising sentence arrives, given the prudence of the one who pronounced it, that is, Giorgetti, he says, the government does not arrive from the left through elections, it only arrives either with a judicial or financial blow. This is the recent history of this country. The first objective has been to prevent it from happening, to put the government in safety. Giorgetti, in short. But it's history. It's history. It's what we've seen in recent years, and what we've seen in recent months. Now we have arrived, as I said before, we have even arrived at the International Criminal Court. They no longer know where to report me, to report us, to try, let's say, to intervene for judicial reasons. Clearly he will remember that the whole electoral campaign was carried out by saying, if the government arrives to the centre-right, there will be a financial storm, the markets will prevent it. It didn't go that way, but every time... Today the spread, as you know, is very low. I'm not talking about the comparison with France. But the first time the spread rose, among other things, due to a reversal of an international situation, they had already made the list of technical ministers on the left. Why do they reason like that? And the rest, the governments we've seen in recent years, were more or less... Another thing, Giorgetti. Banks make big profits, they contribute. Have you solved this problem, that it's not a waste, but that there is a voluntary adhesion? Look, we've already done it. We've already done it last year. I don't have any punitive intent towards, you know, the bank, which is clearly a structural asset of this nation. Last year we've had a serene dialogue, and we've found a solution. I trust that we can do the same again this year. I don't mean by impacting, but by talking. Those who have objectively been able to count on a better scenario, which was also generated by what politics did, because here... They make me laugh when I go to Parliament and they tell me about the bank's extra profits. The banks made the extra profits with the super bonus. With the super bonus. Without forgetting what was done with the famous bazooka, the firepower of the 400 billion, with which the banking system was allowed to renegotiate loans that it had already given with a state guarantee. After that, even when the spread goes down, the banking system benefits from it. So things are going a little better. There are Italians who still need to be put in safety. I think we can ask, working together, a hand, as we have already done in the last bill. We no longer talk about a differentiated autonomy. Do you intend to bring it to an end in the legislature? Well, differentiated autonomy is one of the main reforms of this government. It's a reform that we obviously want to bring to an end. The central issue, and I'd like to remind you of this, because if you say differentiated autonomy is a reform that breaks Italy, I think it's exactly the opposite. Those who know the reform, among other things autonomy, always for the sake of history, was introduced by the central-left 20 years ago. With three votes of majority. Exactly. With three votes of majority, you see things, you remember them better than I do. And we only made the operating law. But in making the operating law, we introduced a principle that is fundamental. Essential levels of performance. What does it mean? It means that we will define what the minimum rights are that must be equal for all citizens of this nation. Because so far, no one has thought about it. So whoever tells us that Italy was united, forgets that until today we have totally different situations, also because the essential levels of performance are not defined. So, I say this also to answer your question. The Constitutional Court, as you know, had to answer the question if the norm was unconstitutional. It said that the norm was not unconstitutional, it gave prescriptions that are also linked to the issue of the essential levels of performance. We have made a delicate law to respond to the prescriptions of the Constitutional Law and we are finishing this iter that leads us to define the EAP. When we have defined the EAP, we can start negotiations with the regions on the EAP issues. What we can do in the meantime is start negotiations with the regions that make requests on the non-EAP issues, which Minister Calderoni is doing. Clearly, these are minor issues, but this is also a signal. And I think that even at the end of this year, we will see something. One last question. The success that you had at the meeting of Rimini, which is the pinnacle of the Catholic world, does it make you think of someone who, in short, you can progressively approach, slowly, towards the European People's Party? No. So, let's say, what happened at the meeting of Rimini made me smile a lot because I read some very funny reconstructions. I read some amazing things. So, I think, I said at the meeting of Rimini what I always say, I talked at the meeting of Rimini about what this government does and about issues that you, in short, have been following politics for years, you know very well. I talked about the fight against immigration, I talked about birth, I talked about family, I talked about Piano Mattei for Africa, I talked about educational freedom, I talked about all the things I have been saying for decades. Clearly, the audience was very in line because they are, from my point of view, questions of common sense. But there is, from my side, no hunt for anyone, that is, simply the attempt to put together the people who, in this nation, want to get their hands dirty because Italy is a nation that can still amaze in an extraordinary way. On the PPE, there is no intention, from my side, to get closer to the PPE. I would say that it seems to me that sometimes the PPE gets closer to our positions, in the sense that it has happened several times that, even in this legislature, an alternative majority was manifested in the European Parliament, the one that the Socialist European Government, the PPE, that I work to build. My goal is to build, even in Europe, a centrist majority and sometimes it has materialized. I believe that, clearly, the European People's Party, on many issues, has realized that, by running through the unreasonable theories of the left, it is unable to give answers to its citizens. Therefore, on migration, but also on the Green Deal, on the automotive, on many issues on which mistakes have been made, today it tends to, let's say, reposition itself. You are going to close the electoral campaign for Tuscany. Yes. The centre-right, but also the centre-left, are all around the region. Tonight, a big demonstration is being reported from Livorno. There are many alarms from ministers that are being blocked. Salvini says to Giorgetta and Locatelli that they won't let them pass. Valditara says that they have taken the car by force. Taiani himself says solidarity to the people who have entered the Livorno hall, despite the threats and the shouts. But what is happening? Let's go back to the topic, director. Let's go back to the topic. I'm afraid that the climate can get worse if we don't all recall the sense of responsibility. And I say this sincerely and seriously, because everything can be done. I am a person who knows how to deal with the conflict of politics. But here we are starting to experience something a little different and I think that it is being underestimated by those who have thought that it was right to encourage the square, because it was needed. Be careful, because then things get out of hand. Let's finish with a smile. I remember the times when there was opposition. When we could read them, I know, director. Now it is no longer institutional. Let's see what happened at the reservation. I can't believe that even Amassa has accepted Trump's plan. Terrorists don't exist anymore. I came to say hello to my relatives. Now I can even go back to Brussels. Amassa, for me you put a pedalo in the water. Well, thank you for your advice. Good night. And now I go back to talking about politics after a moment of advertising.