The legal battle over the SAVE plan just took another turn. With the injunction now made permanent, what happens next? Learn how this latest court decision affects your repayment plan, the impact on student loan forgiveness, and what it means for current and future borrowers. We’ll also cover the legal and legislative angles, what to watch for in the coming months, and how to adjust your student loan strategy. If you’re wondering whether student loan forgiveness is still in play or how this affects your next steps, tune in to this episode.
Key moments: 00:00 Introduction 02:48 The ICR statute doesn't explicitly promise forgiveness after 25 years 04:44 What the SAVE injunction means in plain terms 07:31 How this ruling could throw a wrench into House Republicans’ tax cut plans 12:09 What to consider if you’re in the SAVE forbearance or going for PSLF
Hello and welcome to another episode of the Student Loan Planner Podcast.
It's Travis, and today we're going to be talking about this recent court ruling
with the save plan injunction being a permanent injunction now
pending the final decision of the LoRa court that the decision was just sent to.
So I want to explain this a little bit, what it means for borrowers, what it means for you,
and I want to just give a little bit of a background about this whole thing.
Feels kind of nauseous talking about all this because it's just been going on for so long,
but at some point I actually think we're going to get a final decision on this
and then we're going to have round two of this final decision,
and I do think we're going to start seeing some movement, like serious movement,
in maybe even just a couple weeks, but it could be a few weeks.
So let me explain what I mean.
So save plan lawsuit, everybody kind of that listens to this podcast is familiar with that existing, right?
There was the Missouri lawsuit and the Kansas lawsuit.
Kansas lawsuit was more led by like FFEL, like the state guarantee agencies,
and then the Missouri lawsuit was led by the state of Missouri on behalf of Mojila
because they proved they could sue in Biden v. Nebraska because of the cancellation case.
That was the big thing with standing, right?
So Missouri sues over the save plan, sued at the last second,
and what happens is two judges appointed by President Obama in two different district courts
said slightly different things, but both of them put a preliminary injunction on the save plan.
There's different parts of it.
So the first preliminary injunction, one of them was on the 5% of your income for undergrad loans
and one of the other injunctions was about the 10-year accelerated forgiveness,
but it left everything else in place asking the question,
well, why did they wait till now to sue if they have such a problem with it?
And then it got appealed to the 8th Circuit Court
and the other case in a different district got appealed to a different court.
I think it was the 11th Circuit,
but then the 8th Circuit came out with like a one-sentence ruling almost
that was just like, we're stopping everything, right?
That came out in basically June, I think, of 2024, roughly June,
and then they expanded that injunction even bigger
because they realized, well, what Biden's Department of Ed is going to do
is just try to circumvent the injunction
and just call the save plan the repay plan
and just forgive loans through that route instead with the exact same terms
or very similar terms, right?
And so this, you know, state of Missouri obviously didn't like that.
They kind of made that case to this very, very conservative 8th Circuit Court of Appeals
and on that Circuit Court of Appeals,
I believe it was three judges appointed by Republican presidents
where they were extremely skeptical of not just the save plan,
but the whole idea of student loan forgiveness in general
and they needed to look for a reason to block it.
They needed a legal theory as to why you should block it
and, of course, when you're suing to block something,
you throw everything at the wall and see what sticks.
And in this particular case, one of the theories that was put forward
was basically that, well, maybe because the ICR statute
is what the save plan authority is based on,
the ICR statute says nothing specifically about forgiveness happening at the end of 25 years.
It just says that the payments may not last longer than 25 years,
but it doesn't explicitly say that the loans are forgiven
the same way that it does with the IBR statute that was put out there in 2007.
ICR statute was 1993.
So, you know, because the ICR statute doesn't explicitly say forgiveness,
the 8th Circuit just basically says,
well, maybe the whole, like, save plan and repay and pay,
maybe none of these ICR plans allow forgiveness at all.
And so we're going to put a pause on all that.
We're going to put a pause on the entire save plan rule
because the save plan rule is so big.
It's like over 400 pages of stuff with commentary included,
like this court's got to decide, you know, which parts are real,
which parts are allowable, which parts are not allowable.
Let's just stop the whole thing, right?
And then we can figure it out later.
And I don't know why this is the case,
but we literally waited for months for the 8th Circuit
to take their preliminary injunction to a final injunction
and, or permanent injunction, as I guess what I should say,
a permanent injunction pending a ruling.
And I'm not using the exact legal terminology,
but that's just basically what it is, right?
And so the 8th Circuit, instead of, like, deciding itself,
essentially said, well, what we're going to do
is we're going to kick it back down to the lower court.
And that's what they did.
They kicked it back to the Eastern District of Missouri in St. Louis.
And that means that the hearing or the ruling
has got to come out of that district court now.
And, you know, the question will be, how will that court rule?
And depending on how that court rules,
what will happen with the Trump administration
being in power instead of the Biden administration?
And what does it mean for borrowers?
First of all, what does the injunction mean?
The injunction just says that if, you know,
you can't get forgiveness under a 20- or 25-year plan
or any ICR-related plan.
So that means to get forgiveness,
let's say you're on the pay plan and to get forgiveness,
you would have to switch from pay to IBR
to actually get the forgiveness processed at this moment.
This is at this very moment.
If you were on ICR or, you know, something like,
you know, the save plan forbearance
and you're already at your 20- or 25-year threshold,
to get forgiveness right now at this very moment
with the injunction in place,
you would have to switch to the IBR plan
to get forgiveness at all.
But that doesn't necessarily apply to PSLF.
The reason I know that is because there's ambiguity
as to whether or not this very broad injunction
applies to forgiveness through ICR plans for PSLF.
Now, PSLF says all these plans count.
But what it doesn't say, you know, in the order
is how we're supposed to treat PSLF
in terms of Department of Ed making decisions.
And so what's happened so far is Department of Ed
has felt like, well, this injunction
only applies to the 20, 25-year forgiveness.
It doesn't apply to the 10-year forgiveness.
And so that's what the way the Department of Ed
has been interpreting it so far.
And the reason I know that is because PSLF processing cases
have continued to happen after weeks
into the Trump administration
for people on the pay plan, for example.
So we're still getting people,
seeing people get forgiveness under PSLF using pay.
Even now, literally as of a couple days ago,
I've seen cases in one of the Facebook groups rerun
where people are still getting it.
So that's the current state of things,
I think, with this injunction in place,
is if you're going for PSLF, everything's fine.
PSLF buyback, you can switch to IBR if you want to.
But, like, the PSLF people at the moment
have a lot more choices.
People that are going for the 20, 25-year forgiveness,
you're a lot more stuck at the moment.
I want to emphasize at the moment.
And why do I say at the moment?
It's because this injunction is so broad
because they haven't figured out what they want to do.
And so this is going to go to the district court,
and the district court's more moderate.
It just has a little bit more of a mix
of judges appointed by Republicans and Democrats,
and it's going to be interesting to see how they rule.
I would anticipate a more moderate ruling
coming out of the district court
than I would anticipate coming
from that circuit court of appeals
because the circuit court of appeals
was, like, chosen very specifically
so that it would get appealed to that specific court
because I think there's 10 judges
appointed by Republicans,
one appointed by a Democratic president.
So, you know, let's say that this goes to the lower court.
Let's say they come out with a moderate ruling.
Maybe let's say they come out and they say,
oh, well, say it was actually a little bit okay.
There's just parts of it that are not okay.
And everybody's like, oh, my gosh, this is shocking.
Now I can use SAVE.
Yay, I can relax.
Well, unfortunately, that's not how it's going to work
because if they come out with a more moderate ruling,
what I anticipate is that the ruling
would be appealed to the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals.
Now there's a potential complicating factor in this.
And the complicating factor in this
is the House Republicans are counting
on taking the repeal of the SAVE plan,
the savings from repealing the SAVE plan,
and taking the full, like, 300 billion of savings
from ending the SAVE plan and counting that as an offset
for the tax cuts they want to do
and for the other spending stuff they want to do.
You know, so if you think about what does that mean?
So, well, if a court strikes down the SAVE plan,
you can't count those savings twice.
In other words, like, if it just goes away
because it's an executive action that's illegal,
well, yeah, like, the federal deficit would fall
based off of projected rules and CBO rules
and that kind of stuff.
But I don't think that they would get to take
repeal of the SAVE plan and count that
as $300 billion of student loan savings
for their bill that they're crafting.
Now it could potentially be a huge problem
for the Republican caucus trying to put together
a very controversial bill.
The media's going to focus a lot on that headline cost
in terms of how much it's going to add to the deficit.
And, you know, another 300 billion of extra cost
on that bill could mean you can't go as deep
into the tax cut territory.
You have to cut back some other things in the budget.
So what might happen is you get a more moderate ruling
in the district court level that keeps the SAVE plan
a little bit in place, and maybe the Trump administration
decides to appeal it, but to try to somehow take their time,
and then maybe tries to get through a budget reconciliation
bill where they can claim the savings
from limiting the SAVE plan themselves.
And if they were to do that, then they could get,
you know, claims, huge savings,
they're cutting the deficit, all this stuff,
and maybe it's not in their interest to necessarily
get it appealed to the 8th Circuit in that case.
Or alternatively, you know, Missouri decides to appeal it
because they just want to do what they want to do,
and the 8th Circuit, you know, makes a decision
and, you know, it's going to be interesting to see
what happens when the plaintiff sues, like,
a party in the presidency that kind of agrees
with the position.
I'm not exactly sure how that'll play out.
I think that this idea of all ICR plans cannot be used,
I don't think that's going to stay around.
I think that what's going to come out eventually
is that, you know, non-SAVE plans are okay,
and I think that they're going to say ICR is okay.
I think they're just going to say that, you know,
you can't go bigger and broader
than what Congress has done with the IBR plan
because that suggests what the limits
of Congress's generosity is.
That's my guess as to what eventually they'll rule on.
They'll probably try to come up
with some sort of torture legal reasoning to say that
because I think that any other ruling
that does bar all the ICR plans
would be really problematic for so many borrowers
that Congress would hear about it in a big way,
and there'd be a ton of political pressure
to do something about it.
So if you really think about highly educated voters,
people in their 30s, 40s, 50s,
these are going to be active constituents,
highly engaged constituents.
You know, you might say,
I don't have a lick of confidence in that.
I mean, but I know that they're not going to be doing away
with IBR for people that already have loans.
For people that are new borrowers, they might,
but I think it's pretty likely,
given that everybody's saying
we're not touching IBR for existing borrowers,
that IBR at least is a safe option.
Now, for the majority of people listening to this
that are depending on going for forgiveness
for their strategy,
that still means you're going for forgiveness.
It just means that you're maybe going
for a less generous version of forgiveness,
but I think that with the potential creation
of a new income-driven plan,
that is possible through legislation,
and it's possible that we would have
a new income-driven plan
and an old income-driven plan
kind of like we've had for so many years.
It wouldn't be that shocking to think about that.
So this is what we're on legal watch for
is we're watching out to see
does the SAVE plan get repealed formally in the courts
by the lower court?
Does the state of Missouri decide to appeal it
to the 8th Circuit to get a stronger
conservative legal ruling against it
to broaden the scope of the final ruling?
It's just kind of saying where the court
would probably rule if they ruled on the merits,
but it's not an actual ruling.
So we have to have the ruling
and the 8th Circuit's decided,
well, we want to let this lower court decide first
to see what they say, which is interesting.
So they're letting the slow walking
of the legal process play out in real time,
and so we just have to see what happens.
Got to be patient.
I know it's difficult right now,
but hopefully you're in the,
if you're trying to pay off your loans one day
and you're in the SAVE forbearance,
well, then get your 0%
and be grateful for the 0% for however long it lasts
and then just be ready to pivot.
And if you're not in the SAVE forbearance
and you're trying to get credit towards forgiveness,
then if you are doing PSLF,
you might be okay trying for buyback.
If you're not doing PSLF,
then you definitely need to look at switching
to a different repayment plan.
And IVR is a safer one
compared to some of the other options out there,
but the other options would still be viable options,
I think, for people long-term.
I think that you just might have to wait out
this administration potentially
and be prepared to do that
in case that you did want to go
for the pay ICR type of repayment plans.
I mean, stuff is a pendulum on the student loan world.
And what's happened is we went from no forgiveness in 1992
to ICR, not very generous forgiveness in 1993
to IVR in 2007 and PSLF in 2007,
which more generous, right?
And then repay in, or pay, I guess, in 2012
and then repay in 2016 and then SAVE in 2022.
And it's just been more generous
with every successive administration.
With Trump, it was the student loan pause.
He didn't actually introduce any changes
to student loans besides that.
And then now with Trump 2.0,
it's a lot more of an aggressive,
sort of anti-woke,
like going after that kind of stuff
that they perceive that way, right?
And so student loan borrowers
with higher educated voters
being disproportionately Democratic voters
now more so than they ever have been,
that's definitely something
that's going to make student loans a target
of being less generous.
And it's essentially swinging that pendulum
back the other way on how generous
this stuff is for student loans,
that the rules are for student loans.
And in terms of if we had a Democratic administration,
my guess would be that pendulum
would swing back to more generous
towards forgiveness, right?
The only kind of caveat I'd say
is if you do see a reconciliation bill
come out, including terms
on income-driven repayment, IDR,
then the issue with that
would be that a Democratic president
couldn't undo that unless
that Democratic president
had Democratic House and Senate.
So if you did get some changes like that,
it's kind of, in 2028,
you might say, well, what would be the chances
that you could get an executive action
that reinstates, saves,
and gets forgiveness going again?
I mean, there's some possibilities,
but if you get a strong legal ruling
that blocks the ICR statute,
limits the power of the president
with executive actions with student loans,
or if you even get,
like there's been talk of including
in that budget reconciliation bill
like provisions that would limit
the Secretary of Education
to promulgate any regulation
that would cost more than $100 million
for student loans of any kind,
and they're projecting that'd save $30 billion,
and presumably they think they can include that
in a budget reconciliation bill.
So that would prevent
any future Democratic president
from doing what Biden did on student loans
if it passes,
and if that Democratic president
did not have either,
both the House and the Senate
to be able to pass a change
to whatever bill the Republicans end up passing.
This is if they pass it.
I think that I keep telling folks,
like, you're gonna be real surprised
once the rubber meets the road
and the text gets out there publicly
and the lobbyists start working on their tasks
of contacting people.
I think you're gonna be fascinated
by how much resistance
comes out of the woodwork
to blocking certain key provisions
of these reconciliation bills
that Republicans in Congress are putting forward.
When you've got a three-seat majority,
almost everybody is a kingmaker
at that point, right?
And all you're looking for
if you're a lobbyist interest group
is you're looking for three or four
swing district moderate members
in the Republican caucus
to try to block something,
or you're looking for
three or four conservative members
in the Republican caucus
that you can maybe convince
that, hey, this thing is
not conservative enough, right?
So you're just talking about
all kinds of difficulties
getting something passed
in the same way the Democrats
had such a difficult time
passing signature legislation
like Build Back Better
and stuff like that.
So if I'm a borrower right now,
I'm taking a deep breath.
I'm realizing I'm gonna have to be patient.
I'm grateful for
things like the IDR waiver,
PSLF waiver that have not been repealed,
the interest pause that hasn't ended yet
on the save plan forbearance,
the fact that you are much better informed
than the vast majority of people
with student loans.
And I'm just, you know,
essentially waiting to see
what is gonna happen
with this court case.
Just go to studentloanplanner.com
slash book
to get your own personal consultation.
And thank you so much for listening.
And I hope you have a wonderful rest of your week.