Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken holds a joint press availability with UK Foreign Secretary David Cameron at the Department of State, on April 9, 2024.
Transcript: https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-and-united-kingdom-foreign-secretary-david-cameron-at-a-joint-press-availability-2/ ---------- Under the leadership of the President and Secretary of State, the U.S. Department of State leads America’s foreign policy through diplomacy, advocacy, and assistance by advancing the interests of the American people, their safety and economic prosperity. On behalf of the American people we promote and demonstrate democratic values and advance a free, peaceful, and prosperous world.
The Secretary of State, appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate, is the President's chief foreign affairs adviser. The Secretary carries out the President's foreign policies through the State Department, which includes the Foreign Service, Civil Service and U.S. Agency for International Development.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, good morning, everyone. It is, as always,
a great pleasure to have Foreign Secretary Cameron here at the State Department,
in Washington. We were just together – literally sitting next to each other – for the NATO meetings
that we had in Brussels last week, but we’ve had an ongoing conversation and an ongoing
consultation about the major challenges that both of our countries are facing,
and facing together, and today was another important chapter in those conversations.
Starting with Ukraine, we of course reaffirmed the imperative of continuing
to support and help Ukraine defend itself against the ongoing Russian aggression. I
have to say that the United Kingdom has been an extraordinary leader in this effort from day one,
imposing sanctions and export controls on Russia and hindering its ability to
continue to finance the war, ramping up investments in the defense industrial base.
This is a major effort that our two countries are engaged in with many other countries,
both for immediate needs but also for the future. We have major British defense
companies that are opening offices in Kyiv, working jointly with our Ukrainian friends,
helping Ukraine develop its own defense products. And the UK was the first country to formalize and
finalize the bilateral security agreements that 30 countries have either now concluded
negotiations on or are in the process of negotiating with Ukraine to help Ukraine
develop a future force – one that can deter aggression and defend itself in the future.
We talked about ways to strengthen efforts to prevent the transfer in weapons and materiel
to Russia for use in Ukraine. And this is an ongoing challenge, and we see weapons,
we also see technologies to support the defense industrial base in Russia coming from North Korea,
from Iran, from China. This is an area of particular concern for not only the
United States and the United Kingdom but many of our allies and partners throughout Europe.
We also talked about the imperative of getting assistance to Ukraine now in terms of additional
munitions, air defenses, artillery. We both heard last week from the Ukrainian Foreign
Minister Kuleba at NATO about the immediate needs. Both of our countries are pressing ourselves and
pressing others to do this. And in that light, the supplemental budget request that President
Biden has made of Congress is urgent and its imperative. The House is now back in
session. We look to see that brought before the House and to get a vote as quickly as possible.
And again, I’ve said this before, but it is always worth reminding that when it
comes to burden sharing, I have never seen a better example in my time in government – now
over 30 years. The United States has done extraordinary things for Ukraine;
our European partners and others beyond Europe around the world have done even more over the
last two years: military support, economic support, humanitarian support. So there
is genuine burden sharing in carrying the load. We need to continue to do our part.
And again, I’ll remind that the overwhelming majority of the resources in the supplemental
budget request will actually be invested right here in the United States, in our own defense
industrial base to produce what Ukraine needs, but providing in the meantime good American jobs.
We of course discussed the situation in the Middle East and in Gaza. Israel has made
important commitments to significantly increase the supply of humanitarian assistance throughout
Gaza and has taken some initial actions as well to move on those commitments. We’re
looking at a number of critical things that need to happen in the coming days, including opening
a new northern point of entry for assistance into Gaza, using Ashdod on a regular basis,
maximizing the flow of assistance from Jordan, as well as putting in place a much
more effective deconfliction mechanism with the humanitarian groups that are providing assistance.
Just yesterday, more than 400 trucks were cleared to go into Gaza, and that is the
most since October 7th on any given day. But what matters is results, and sustained results,
and this is what we will be looking at very carefully in the days ahead. And that includes
making sure that the assistance that gets into Gaza is distributed effectively throughout Gaza,
not just in the south or in central Gaza. It has to get to the north as well.
Of course, we have our own citizens who remain hostage in Gaza held by Hamas. We
continue to work very closely with Israel, with Egypt, with Qatar on getting an agreement that
will result in an immediate ceasefire and the release of hostages and also
create even better conditions for surging assistance to those who need it in Gaza.
Two other quick things I wanted to touch on.
In the Indo-Pacific, our two countries are aligned on the key issues before us in the Indo-Pacific:
ensuring peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, the South China Sea, the Korean Peninsula,
standing up when the PRC is engaged in unfair trade practices and non-market practices,
including addressing the global economic consequences of Chinese
industrial overcapacity and the need for a level playing field. Secretary Yellen
spoke very clearly and forcefully to this during her recent trip to China. This is
an ongoing concern for our countries and for many other countries around the world.
And of course, we have our AUKUS agreement,
modernizing partnerships to meet future challenges to promote a free and open
Indo-Pacific. Australia’s selection last month of British companies to develop nuclear-powered
submarines is a milestone in actually integrating our defense industrial bases.
We also discussed partnerships with other countries through AUKUS, including one that we’ll
discuss with Japan when Prime Minister Kishida is here this week, and having partners engage
particularly in Pillar II activities is something that will carry this partnership forward.
Finally, we’re working together in this hemisphere to address shared interests and to try to advance
peace, security, and opportunity. I welcome the conversations that we had about that as well.
With that, David, let me turn it over to you.
FOREIGN SECRETARY CAMERON: Well, thank you very much, Tony. It’s very good to be back
in Washington, very good to be back with you. In a time of danger like this in international affairs,
close alliances really matter, and there is no closer alliance for us than our
partnership with the United States, and I think the work we’ve been doing here
and in NATO and what we’ll be doing at the G7 really demonstrates that.
On Ukraine, I want to echo what Tony said. Put simply, we know what works,
we know what they need, and we know what is right for us. In terms of what works, we know that if
we give the Ukrainians the support they deserve, they can win this war; they can achieve the just
peace that they deserve. They’ve sunk 25 percent of Russia’s Black Sea fleet. They’ve inflicted
over 350,000 casualties on Russian armed forces who launched this unprovoked and unjustified
aggression. And we know that if we keep on backing them, we can lead this to the right conclusion.
And we know what they need. We know they need air defenses. The Ukrainian foreign minister
was so clear about that in NATO. We know they need ammunition. There’s the excellent Czech initiative
to bring forward ammunition that’s going to arrive in June, and even before that Britain is taking
action to source more ammunition for them in the runup to that. We know that they need support from
NATO Allies and a good outcome to the NATO summit, which we were discussing this morning. And we know
that they need money in the form of the frozen Russian sovereign assets, and we’re making good
progress in how to access that funds on an agreed basis that I think we can take forward at the G7.
And of course, in terms of the money they need and the support they need, perhaps nothing is
more important than the supplemental that the Congress is looking at, at the moment. And I
come here with no intention to lecture anybody or tell anybody what to do or get in the way
of the process of politics and other things in the United States; I just come here as a great
friend and believer of – in this country and a believer that it’s profoundly in your interest
and your security and your future and the future of all your partners to release this money and let
it through. And I’m looking forward to meetings I’m going to be having in Congress later today.
And above all, we know what’s right for us. We know that it is right to stop Putin’s
aggression. We know it’s right for our own militaries and our own production bases to
ramp up production not just for Ukraine but for our own stocks. And as Tony said,
so many of the jobs created will be jobs created here in the United States and indeed,
when we’re dealing with our own weapons systems, jobs in the UK.
We know it’s right to send this very clear message to all those watching around the world,
including China, that we stand by our allies, that we don’t reward aggression,
that we help those who are trying to fight it off. And we know it’s right for our own security.
That leads to the NATO conference. We had some excellent discussions. I remember
chairing the NATO summit in Wales in 2014. Back then only three countries met the 2
percentage points of GDP on defense spending. I’m proud to say Britain
was one of them. We’re now up to around 20 countries out of an Alliance of 32 members,
and I think we can make real progress between now and the summit in Washington with every
country showing how they’re going to get from where they are now to that 2 percent. And I
would urge all those countries to think about how they can do it. And we’ll also be looking at this
mission for Ukraine about how NATO can do more to coordinate and help that country in its struggle.
On our discussions on Israel and Gaza, as I said at the weekend, we see this in four
very clear ways. One, we back the hostages and their families who are now in day 185 of their
appalling captivity. We go hard on getting aid into Gaza – it’s the right thing to do, and what
was previously seen as impossible is now possible, and that is hugely welcome; we want to see that
followed up. We believe in leading internationally both at the United Nations, where we achieved a
good resolution on a temporary ceasefire during Ramadan, and also putting together countries
that back and support a future peace process such as met in Munich, and we hope we’ll meet
again shortly. But the fourth part of our plan is to support Israel and its legitimate right
of self-defense to deal with the Hamas threat, and it’s important we maintain that support.
On aid, just to be clear, as Tony said, we want to see 500 trucks a day; we want to see the water
switched back on; we want to see Ashdod and a northern crossing point opened; and crucially,
we want to see this deconfliction because getting aid to Gaza on its own isn’t enough. You’ve got
to be able to get aid around Gaza, and as we saw with the tragic killing of the World
Central Kitchen workers, unless you have that deconfliction other things like that could happen.
We have a very clear plan A for how we bring this conflict to an end: we have a temporary pause;
we turn that into a sustainable ceasefire; we see Hamas leaders removed from Gaza;
we see the terrorist infrastructure taken down. That is the way to have a political
process that brings the war to an end. But we have to be aware if that doesn’t work,
we have to think about what is plan B, what can humanitarian and other organizations do
to make sure that if there is a conflict in Rafah, that people can achieve safety,
they can get food, they can get water, they can get medicine, and people are kept safe. And I
think that’s something we’re going to have to be looking at and we were talking about today.
Finally, on the other things you mentioned, I totally agree that AUKUS is a really important
alliance. And I think one of the ways we can make it a success, as well as making sure we
build our submarines and invest on time, is making progress on the ITAR regulations. If
we’re going to have a partnership as close as this between three likeminded countries,
we must be able to have the free flow of munitions between us.
Finally, I just wanted to mention Haiti, where Secretary Blinken has said how important it is
that we all step forward and help. Britain has a number of priorities in that region,
including neighboring countries that we are responsible for, but nonetheless we
will be providing over 5 million pounds, $7 million, to the fund to help support Haiti.
So in these areas and many others, we’ve had an excellent conversation,
excellent meeting, and it shows how likeminded we are on trying to make
progress on these difficult conflicts that are so disrupting and disturbing our world.
And we’re determined to work together very closely as we do that. Thank you.
MR MILLER: Thank you. The first question goes to Olivia Gazis with CBS News.
QUESTION: Thank you very much, and good morning. Secretary Blinken, there’s been
a spate of developments in Gaza that we’re hoping you can shed some light for us on. First,
Prime Minister Netanyahu has made public pronouncements about a date being set for
an offensive in Rafah. Has the U.S. been apprised of such a date, and have – has
it been given word of any accompanying plans by Israel to ensure the safety of civilians there?
Second, you mention the increase of the number of trucks being permitted into Gaza on a daily basis.
But aid agencies, including the UN, are still saying that much less than the minimum amount of
aid required is actually getting where it needs to go. So is Israel really doing enough quickly
enough in order to forestall changes in U.S. policy, as the President and you have made clear?
Foreign Secretary Cameron, you have come to Washington from a meeting in Florida with
the former president and current presidential candidate, Donald Trump. We understand that aid
to Ukraine was a key item on the agenda. First, do you come away from that meeting more or less
assured that U.S. aid to Ukraine is forthcoming in the near term? And second, did you achieve any
clarity on Mr. Trump’s reported plans to bring the war in Ukraine to an end? Specifically,
did you receive any assurances that it would not involve territorial concessions by Kyiv?
And with your indulgence, for both of you: Just given the bleak indications out of Cairo today,
Rachel Goldberg-Polin, who is the mother of Hersh, one of the hostages who’s been
held in Gaza for now more than six months, said recently, “I feel that all the parties at the
table have failed,” to include the governments at the table. Do you disagree with her? Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Olivia, I’m happy to start, thank you. And thank you for the
new iteration of asking questions of each of us and then asking a joint question at the
end. This is a new model, and I’m sure your colleagues will carry it forward as well.
On Rafah: No, we do not have a date for any Rafah operation, at least one that’s
been communicated to us by the Israelis. On the contrary, what we have is an ongoing conversation
with Israel about any Rafah operation. The President’s been very clear about our concerns,
our deep concerns about Israel’s ability to move civilians out of harm’s way,
to care for them once they’re out of harm’s way, and to have any kind of major military
operation that doesn’t do real harm to civilians, to children, to women, to men.
We are committed to ensuring that Hamas cannot govern or dictate the future of Gaza,
or anything else, for that matter. But how Israel conducts any further operations in
Gaza matters a great deal. And as we’ve said, we’re talking to them about alternative and,
in our judgment, effective ways at solving a problem that needs to be solved,
but doing it in a way that does not endanger the innocent. Those conversations are ongoing.
My expectation is that we’ll see Israeli colleagues again next week to pursue that.
With regard to the assistance that is getting in: Look, we’ve been, again, very clear,
starting with the President. We need to see the – not just the commitments, not
just the implementation of the commitments, but actual results, and results that are sustained,
and sustained throughout Gaza, not only in the south or in central Gaza. So I mentioned that
yesterday by our count more than 400 trucks were cleared, which is double what had been happening
heretofore. That’s important, but it’s just one step, and again, it needs to be sustained.
David referred to a number of other steps that Israel has either committed to or has already
begun to take, and I mentioned some of them as well: opening an additional crossing in the north;
maximizing the route from Jordan; maximizing what is being screened at Kerem Shalom and at Rafah;
fixing the water pipelines in the north, central, and southern Gaza – this is critical – and,
so important, putting in place a deconfliction mechanism so that humanitarians can go about
their work throughout Gaza without fearing for their security and safety, and so that we never
see again the horrific loss with the attack on the World Central Kitchen team just a week or so ago.
So this is a work very much in progress, and as I say,
we will judge it by its results and by whether they’re sustained. But the commitments that
have been made and the initial steps to implement those commitments are positive,
but a lot more needs to happen to make sure that people in Gaza have what they need.
FOREIGN SECRETARY CAMERON: On the issue of my meeting with President Trump, this was entirely
in line with precedent of government ministers meeting with opposition politicians in the run-up
to elections. I remember when I was prime minister meeting Mitt Romney when he was a candidate,
I remember Gordon Brown meeting Barack Obama when he was a candidate, and I think, Tony,
you recently had a meeting with Keir Starmer, the Labour leader, in Munich. So these things
are entirely proper, but it was a private meeting, so I haven’t really got anything
to add to your questions, but we discussed a range of important geopolitical subjects.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: And on —
FOREIGN SECRETARY CAMERON: Oh, on hostages, yes.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Hostages, yeah.
FOREIGN SECRETARY CAMERON: I would just say we’re doing everything we can to
help. There are two British nationals but others with British connections,
so we’re doing everything we can. I would just make the point that ultimately the
people responsible for holding these hostages are Hamas. They could release the hostages now. I’m
not involved in the minutiae of the negotiations, but I know very big offers have been made by
Israel to release loads of prisoners from their prisons in response to hostages being released,
and we need the hostages to come home, we need the aid to get in,
and it’s Hamas more than anyone else that are standing in the way of that happening.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: And I would just add that I know Rachel well. If I were sitting in her shoes,
I’d undoubtedly be feeling and saying the same thing, because until the day that Hersh is home,
we will not have succeeded in doing what we’re determined to do, which is to bring
him and bring all of the hostages back. We have our teams working on this 24/7. We’re working,
as you know, closely with Qatar, with Egypt, with Israel. Bill Burns has been doing extraordinary
work on this. Many of us have been deeply, deeply engaged working with the governments in question.
We have an offer that’s on the table now to Hamas that is very serious and should be accepted. Hamas
could move forward with this immediately and get a ceasefire that would benefit people throughout
Gaza as well as, of course, get the hostages home. I think the fact that it continues to not say yes
is a reflection of what it really thinks about the people of Gaza, which is not much at all.
It’s also extraordinary the extent to which Hamas has been almost erased from this story. As we
both said going back almost to day one, none of what we’ve seen in Gaza would have happened had
Hamas given up the hostages right away, put down its weapons, stopped hiding behind civilians,
and surrendered. It has an opportunity now to agree to the proposal on a ceasefire and
on hostages. The ball is in Hamas’ court. The world is watching to see what it does.
MR MILLER: Felicia Schwartz with The Financial Times.
QUESTION: Thank you. Secretary Blinken, are you confident that the talks in Washington on Rafah
will happen before Israel does go into Rafah, and that they will follow your advice when doing so?
And on assistance, how long does Israel have to sustain the aid that you spoke
about or risk consequences? And do you agree with Foreign Secretary Cameron
that there needs to be a plan B, and what do you think that should be?
Foreign Secretary Cameron, you said before coming to the U.S. that you
would encourage Speaker Johnson to get Ukraine aid through the House,
but now you are not seeing him. Why is that? And have you left your meeting with President
Trump believing that he will give Johnson the green light to make that vote happen?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Felicia, let me take the second part first, which is on aid and how
long does it need to be sustained. It needs to be sustained as long as necessary to ensure that
the people of Gaza have what they need to get by and sustained as long as it takes to put in
place something more permanent when this conflict comes to an end that can guarantee that people are
getting what they need and begin to rebuild Gaza. So there’s no – there’s no date certain at all.
This needs to not only happen, not only need to be sustained, but it just needs to continue as long
as it’s necessary to provide for people in Gaza. It’s as simple and as straightforward as that.
And again, with regard to Rafah, I don’t want to prejudge any – these ongoing talks. And I
can tell you that, again, we expect to have a continuation of those talks next week. I don’t
anticipate any actions being taken before those talks, and for that matter I don’t see anything
imminent. But there is a lot of work to be done, and it remains our conviction that major military
operations in Rafah would be extremely dangerous for civilians who would be caught in harm’s way,
that as we share the commitment to dealing with the problem posed by Hamas,
we believe there are other effective ways to do it. That’s going to be the subject
of these ongoing conversations. I don’t want to prejudge what the outcome will be.
FOREIGN SECRETARY CAMERON: Thank you. I’m going to be going to the Hill. I’ve got a range of meetings
with senators and congressmen, both sides of the aisle. I always do this with great trepidation;
it’s not for foreign politicians to tell legislators in another country what to do. It’s
just that I’m so passionate about the importance of defending Ukraine against this aggression,
that I think it is absolutely in the interest of U.S. security that Putin fails in his illegal
invasion. I think it’s good for U.S. jobs that we continue to back Ukraine with the weapons
that they need. And I think in terms of how the United States and the United Kingdom as allies
are seen around the world, there will be people in Tehran, in Pyongyang, in Beijing, looking at
how we stand by our allies, how we help them, how we stop this illegal and unprovoked aggression,
and working out whether we are committed, whether we’re prepared to see it through.
So I’m here to offer my opinion, to meet with anyone who wants to talk to me about it, to make
those arguments. And I think the perspective – I always encourage others in Europe, particularly
perhaps those right up against the fence with Russia who can – who feel the Russian aggression,
who feel the fear of it. And I think as I said at the NATO summit last week, it’s so important
that the outcome of all this is a secure and strong NATO with full U.S. and Atlantic support,
rather than a setback for the Western alliance, a victory for Putin, and a sense that we don’t
stand by our allies and our friends at their time of need. So that’s the spirit in which
I’m here. I’m delighted to have a whole series of meetings this afternoon and some more tomorrow,
and I’ll make time for any people in Congress who would welcome a conversation about this.
MR MILLER: Tom Bateman with the BBC.
QUESTION: Thank you very much. Secretary Blinken, first of all, the BBC spoke last
week to the parents of Jacob Flickinger, who was the U.S.-Canadian citizen who was killed
in the World Central Kitchen Israeli airstrike. His parents describes the convoy as being chased
down. They described it as a crime. What assurance can you give them that there will be meaningful
accountability given that in the last two and a half years two other American citizens have been
killed at the hands of Israeli forces in cases which have not seen meaningful accountability?
And what lessons do you think from those cases that soldiers on the ground are taking?
And Foreign Secretary, you said on March the 8th that you would get new
advice on Israel’s compliance with international law. You said in the
coming days on March the 8th. It is now April the 9th. So when are you
going to decide whether or not Israel is breaching international humanitarian law?
And you talked about on Ukraine not wanting to lecture and to come here. You’ve also said
that you’re dropping diplomatic niceties on this issue. You’ve compared those who won’t act to the
appeasers of Hitler in the 1930s and asked people to change the narrative on Ukraine. But what
evidence do you have that coming here, that that approach, is working? And in that context,
do you still think that Donald Trump is protectionist, xenophobic, and misogynistic?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Tom, thank you. I’ll start first. I spoke over the weekend to
Jacob’s father and to his partner. I heard directly from them separately. Jacob leaves
an 18-month-old son. Leaving everything else aside, just on a purely human level,
my heart goes out to that family and to that little boy who now has no father.
I said the other day that the World Central Kitchen team and Jacob were genuinely heroes.
And I hope that no matter what else, we never lose sight of that fact. The extraordinary
ways in which Jacob and the others put their lives on the line to help people who were so
desperately in need when it mattered the most – it’s an extraordinary inspiration,
but it’s also an extraordinary responsibility on our shoulders and everyone else’s to do
everything we can to ensure that this never happens again, and that in Gaza in particular,
humanitarian workers can go about their work with as much security as possible.
So we are looking very carefully at the conclusions of the investigation that
Israel conducted. We’re asking questions about it. We’re engaged with the Israelis,
we’re engaged with humanitarian organizations, and we want to make sure that, again,
the investigation produces real change that can better ensure the security and
safety of humanitarian workers. And to your point as well, accountability – Israel has
taken some initial steps in that direction, including by removing two senior commanders
who were engaged in this horrible incident. But we’re in the process, an ongoing process,
of looking at the conclusions and talking both to Israel and humanitarian organizations about it.
One other piece of business before I turn it back over to David, unfinished business,
which is simply to say thank you. You heard the foreign secretary make a commitment on
the part of the United Kingdom to supporting the efforts that we’re undertaking in Haiti,
and particularly supporting a Multinational Security Support force to go in to bolster
the Haitian National Police to help regain control of Port-au-Prince from the gangs,
to enable a democratic process to move forward toward elections,
and to create an environment in which humanitarian assistance, development aid can get in and get to
where it’s needed. So I just want to say how grateful we are to the United Kingdom as well
as to other partners who’ve been stepping up to support this effort. It means a great deal.
FOREIGN SECRETARY CAMERON: Thank you. Thanks. On Israel and international humanitarian law, and as
required by the UK’s robust arms export control regime, I have now reviewed the most recent
advice about the situation in Gaza and Israel’s conduct of their military campaign. The latest
assessment leaves our position on export licenses unchanged. This is consistent with the advice that
I and other ministers have received. And as ever, we will keep the position under review.
Let me be clear, though, we continue to have grave concerns around the
humanitarian access issue in Gaza, both for the period that was assessed
and subsequently. We’ve seen a welcome increase in trucks with, as Tony said,
perhaps as many as 400 going in yesterday, the highest since October the 7th, and of course,
public commitments from Israel to flood Gaza with aid. These now need to be turned into reality.
Our position is in line with our international partners. So far, no likeminded countries have
taken the decision to suspend existing arms export licenses to Israel. And I’d add that
Israel remains a vital defense and security partner to the UK. Our cooperation makes
the UK and Israel more secure from external threats. We will continue to use this robust
legal process to assess these issues. And I’d just add we don’t publish legal advice,
we don’t comment on legal advice, but we act in a way that is consistent with
it. We’re a government under the law, and that’s as it should be.
On the issue of dropping diplomatic niceties, in many ways, what I meant by that was instead
of sort of speaking in diplo-speak when I addressed this issue of how we help Ukraine,
I can get very emotional about it. To me, this is so fundamental to how Britain and America
have worked together over years, over decades, to keep our world safe and to enhance our security.
I think of my grandfather landing on the Normandy beaches under the cover of an American warship. I
think of how I worked together with President Obama to deal with the ISIL threat in Syria
and Iraq, how we hunted down those terrible killers of British and American hostages in
the Syrian desert – Jihadi John and his like. And to me, this is the same thing.
We face a huge threat from an aggressive Putin taking other countries’ territory by force,
and it is so important that we stick together. This is the great lesson from NATO celebrating
its 75th anniversary this year is that if we stick together, if we work together,
we can create a more secure Europe but also a more secure U.S. And I say this as someone
who doesn’t just like and respect America. I say this as someone who loves this country. I mean,
of course, I love my own country more than anything, but I do love the United States.
I feel passionate about this country, its role in the world in defending freedom, in standing
up to aggression, in trying to take the side of countries that are being traduced in this way.
And so when I go and speak with colleagues in Congress, I try and keep the diplomatic language,
but sometimes it spills over into quite emotional language, because
this is the right thing for us to do, and future generations are going to look back at us and say,
“Did we do enough when this country was invaded by a dictator trying to redraw boundaries by
force? Did we learn the lessons from history? Did we do enough?” And I’m passionate that
we’re not going to be found wanting, so that’s why sometimes I drop the diplomatic niceties.
I’ve said we had a good meeting. We discussed a range of international issues. But effectively,
it was a private meeting, and one that very much in the precedent of meeting with opposition
leaders. Obviously in Britain, we respect the electoral process, the democratic process,
here in the United States and work with whoever is elected for the benefit of both our countries.
MR MILLER: And for the final question, Robert Moore with ITV.
QUESTION: Yeah, hi. Hi, Robert Moore with ITV News. Thanks for both of you taking
my question. Foreign Secretary, first of all, you had dinner, as we know,
by all accounts a warm and friendly dinner with Donald Trump last night. You call it a private
dinner, but you’re a foreign secretary, he’s a presidential candidate. Can you at a minimum
say at least he listened sympathetically to your argument that the House should
unlock Ukraine funding? And did he give you any assurance at all that if he won
in November he would remain – the United States would remain a key member of NATO?
And just to follow up on my BBC colleague’s fine question about international humanitarian
law and the supply of weapons, I mean, given the passions coursing through our societies
about the Gaza issue, what is the argument against transparency, against letting people
know what the legal advice being received by you is? Isn’t transparency everything?
And Secretary of State, I mean, you’ve expressed outrage today and in recent days about the death
of those of seven international aid workers – eloquent outrage. But it begs the question. There
have been hundreds of humanitarians killed in Gaza over the last six months, dozens of journalists,
many people who have been waving white flags and have still been shot down by IDF forces. I mean,
where was the outrage then and why then didn’t you offer to reshape American
policy if necessary? Why only now? Is it just the passports that these seven held?
FOREIGN SECRETARY CAMERON: Okay. First of all, on my dinner, I’m not going to relent from the
fact that it was a private dinner, but we discussed geopolitical issues like Israel
and Gaza, like Ukraine, like the future of NATO. Look, whoever I’m talking to,
I tend to make the same points, which is that we’ve got to do everything we can
this year to get NATO in its strongest possible shape for its 75th anniversary
and getting everyone up to 2 percent, having the new members joining – Sweden
and Finland – having the strongest possible Alliance. That’s the best thing we can do.
On Ukraine, the best thing we can do this year is to help keep the Ukrainians in this
fight. They’re fighting so bravely. They’re not going to lose for want of morale. The
danger is we don’t give them the support that they need, and I make that argument to anyone
who will listen to me. I argue that it is extremely good value for money for
the United States and for others. Perhaps for about 5 or 10 percent of your defense budget,
almost half of Russia’s prewar military equipment has been destroyed without the loss of a single
American life. This is an investment in United States security. So that’s what I would say.
On the issue of legal advice, I think it is an important principle that legal advice is not
published, that ministers consider it and act in way that is consistent with it. We
answer questions about it, as I am now, as I will be in the House of Lords, I’m sure,
next week. And I’ve got a question time on Tuesday, but probably a statement as well.
And it’s right that we answer those questions. We have published summaries of legal advice,
but that has been when we’ve been sending British troops into action, as we did in Libya,
or as we did recently when we sent British air force personnel into combat with the Houthis.
I think that’s a different situation, a summary of legal advice published in those circumstances.
I don’t think it’s right in these circumstances,
and I say we act consistent with it; we’re happy to answer questions about it;
we’re very clear about the deep concern we have about the humanitarian aid situation.
But the overall judgment is those export licenses will remain open and continue.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Rob, to your question, the thousands of children, of women, of men
who’ve been caught in a crossfire of Hamas’s making, going back to October – their loss,
their suffering is absolutely gut-wrenching. We’ve worked from day one to do everything
we could to ensure that protection of civilians was being maximized,
provision of humanitarian assistance to those who needed it was also being maximized.
We’ve seen results over the course of these many months,
starting with the opening of the Rafah gate very early on, Kerem Shalom, flour from Ashdod,
the provision of fuel on a sustained basis. But it has manifestly not been enough – far from it. The
results simply have not been there. And even if the intent was, it’s the results that count. And
it was clear from everything that we continue to see that we have to – have to have change – have
to have change that results in people getting the assistance they need throughout Gaza. And that was
the import of the President’s conversation last week with Prime Minister Netanyahu,
but it was in many ways the culmination of many conversations that, as I said,
produced results but insufficient in terms of actually meeting the needs of people.
So what we’re focused on now is making sure that the commitments that Israel has made to do more,
to do more effectively, and to put that in place actually happens and, as I said,
is sustained and, as I said, produces results. That’s the measure. That’s the test. That’s
what we’re looking at intently. We want to do everything we can, but principally
we want to see Israel do everything it can and must to reduce the impact on civilians,
to get assistance to those who need it, to do it on a sustained basis.
It would also be, I think, important that so much of the understandable passion, outrage,
and anger directed at Israel for the plight of Palestinian civilians in Gaza, that some
of that might also be reserved and directed for Hamas. It remains astounding to me that
the world is almost deafeningly silent when it comes to Hamas. We would not be where we
are had they not chosen to engage in one of the most horrific acts of brutality and
terrorism on October 7th and had they then, having done that, not refused these many,
many months to get out of the way of civilians, to stop hiding behind them,
to put down their arms, to release the hostages, to surrender. Where’s the outrage there?
Having said that, I’ll repeat what I’ve said incessantly from day one:
Despite that, Israel has obligations, it has responsibilities that are moral,
that are strategic, and that are legal to do everything it can to protect civilians
and to get assistance to the many who need it. That’s what we’re focused on.
MR MILLER: Thank you.