Jean Frédéric Poisson | La journée des conservateurs du 14 octobre 2023

In a few moments, you know him, he has been in all the fights during his various election mandates. President of VIA, La Voix du Peuple, Jean-Frédéric Poisson. Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, thank you. I come to speak to you this morning in a context that you know, I don't go back to it, but which makes it even more appropriate to gather around the few values that politically explain our political action and bring us together. I would like to tell you two preliminary things on this subject. The first is that I hate to hear about the Republic and never about France. When I hear Mrs. Prime Minister explain to you that... Don't ask me to say, Mrs. Prime Minister, I am incapable of that. You can ask me a lot of things, but not that. When I hear Mrs. Prime Minister explain that when we attack the school, it is the Republic that we attack, I am almost ashamed to say to her, Madam, it is much more serious than that, it is France that we attack. And in a way, France is much bigger than any of the regimes that have animated and organized it on the issues of the Republic. The second thing I want to tell you is that I feel the moment has come when emotionalism will saturate my ears. Especially when it serves as a sex hideout for the political will to do nothing. I don't know which of our friends we owe this expression, that in the face of bombs, we answer with candles, white marches and projectors on national radio. So that's very good, that's quite respectable. But in the meantime, it doesn't change anything. Why are we here? Because we want to restore a peaceful, prosperous France, aware of its heritage and its mission. That's why we are here. What does that mean? It means that we need to go back to the metabolism, to say things a little faster. But, if you allow me to do a few seconds of philosophy, it's one of my hobbies that I share with the President, among other things. We need to question the conditions of possibility of this affair. And I observe that the European Commission, since we are also here to evoke European issues today, destroys the possibility for France to become prosperous and peaceful by two means. These two means should be, from my point of view, the two major axes of future electoral and political campaigns. The first is the defense of freedoms. The second is the preservation of our social model. I'll start with the second. France has a special place in Europe for a lot of reasons. But for this reason, in what founded the social-economic policies of the 20th century, there was at the same time a great industrial and financial ambition, a great freedom of manoeuvre, sometimes a little too great, all this being inherited from the 19th century, and a very strong influence of social catholicism, which began at the end of the last century and continues well beyond the Second World War. This kind of balance has made our country. It is in France that the Christian bosses invented, at the end of the 19th century, the beginning of the 20th century, family allocations, social protection, mutual aid, health insurance. All these are things that we have invented. We have discovered in France a somewhat particular way, and a lot too Marxist, it's true, but this idea of participation that we have tried to defend, some of our neighbors are much better than us in exercise, but it is part of our tradition, that is to say to enter the intermediary bodies in all decision-making centers, particularly in companies. We have imagined a model of distribution of wealth and the participation, the discussion of this distribution, which corresponds to us in the end, because it is our tradition and our history. But this model relies on our ability to create enough wealth to carry it, to finance it. Which means, first, that we do not support more allocators than we can, and secondly, that we keep the power to create excesses when we have economic entities that allow us to create them. And the two most massive policies, there are others, I hope to fill them in a few moments, but it is from there, the economic policy and the migratory policy, which are effectively, for a very small party, in any case, of European competence, the European policies go in a sense contrary to the interests of our country. Because, in the end, by forcing us to impoverish ourselves, by preventing our industries from making agreements, of passing partnership agreements, of cross-capital participation, of major industrial restructuring, by eroding our industrial heritage, by not allowing European giants to constitute themselves to resist Chinese or American managers, well, the country we are in is gradually losing its ability to produce wealth in a sustainable way. Of course, the old metallurgist I am considers that the only sustainable way to produce wealth is industry. And so, this first offensive against our prosperity, as I told you, allows us, in reality, to find the means with which we can find a bit of social peace and a bit of balance. So, you will tell me, the French leaders have largely contributed on their own to eroding our industrial heritage, and this is very true. And many, moreover, have benefited individually, including a few who are still in government institutions, such as the Elysée, which results in a pure and hard scandal. And I would allow myself to name here, I assume perfectly, to see that the Secretary-General of the Elysée, Alexis Colère, is still in office, even though he has scandalously deceived in matters of social welfare, that he has implicated his family. I find that it is, how do you say, vomitous, we can say that. In any case, it is quite clear. The same goes for migratory policies. France is not, contrary to what has been said, historically, a country of migration, as much as that. It has been for a certain period of its history, but first, it is recent, and secondly, it has never been so massive. And this is what Brussels is promoting against the interest of the French people. So we have our first mission, an essential mission to defend our French social model. So it is not a question of countering migratory policies to counter migratory policies, which makes no sense. It is not a question of defending the creation of wealth to defend the creation of wealth, which makes no sense. It is a question of saying, and on migratory issues, and on the question of the prosperity of the creation of wealth, we want to preserve our French social model. Because that's how we want to live, and that's how I think we can restore a little bit of social peace in our country. The second element, I finish there, is the question of freedoms. And again, I did not imagine that one day I would have to attack the State in front of the Council of State to establish the right to go to church on Sunday. And very frankly, we have obtained this rehabilitation, we are sorry about that. But when I see the way these great international bodies are evolving, and the Brussels Commission is one of them, undeniably, supported by the very big financial operators, Mr. Engels said earlier, who have more power than any old Cesar or papacy, well, I try to do more of everything that is in our daily lives, and to do it little by little. I'm not coming back to the management of the health crisis, so I'm not going to start right away the debate on the vaccine, my dear Laurence, because we will not go to bed. There is one thing that is certain in any case, it is that the former vice-president of the Commission of Laws, who speaks to you from the National Assembly, could not imagine for a second that we could be sanctioned in our country for not having done something that was not mandatory. That, frankly, is a concept of law that has now become an exception. I did not think that we could see his work contract suspended, without indemnity, without benefit from his salary, without having the right to be enrolled in unemployment, without any other form of trial, without having committed a professional offense. That either. I did not think I would hear a number of people who explain to us, in fact, look, we have a restaurant because we have succeeded in what it does not close, while it would have remained open if we had not even closed for a moment. Here, roughly, what was the policy of the PGE, and I have many others like that at your disposal. Beyond the smile, it would be funny if it was not so sad, as I sometimes say, what is at stake is all this. The health crisis has been emblematic of these attacks on our freedoms. I'm not sure it was organized, wanted to plan. It was Michel Rocard, I think, who said that when we want to interpret unfavorable events, we must trust the meanness than the conspiracy, because conspiracy is difficult. But only people who have an agenda contrary to our interests and take advantage of these circumstances, it is absolutely not doubtful. What does it mean to take advantage of these circumstances? First, they managed to get us out of our homes with another written authorization in our own pocket, by ourselves, with our pencil. As I say from time to time, the last time I signed a paper of this nature, it was by imitating my father's signature to explain that I was not in class the day before, at school. I signed things to authorize myself to be accompanied. It's to tell you how much regression it made us freeze. And we didn't say anything. These healers who refused to get vaccinated went to the box office and, moreover, still live today, for many of them, in unbearable conditions on a material level and almost treated as pariahs of society. And we didn't say much, basically. We let the law be twisted by the Council of State, the Constitutional Council, obeying the most elementary principles of our Constitution and our public regulations. We didn't say anything. Mr. Breton is explaining that he's going to delete Twitter from the European continent, well, X now, because there could be fake news on Twitter. No kidding. He could also delete government information sites because that way we would save time. But frankly, this is what is happening before your eyes and we don't say anything. Our freedom of worship has been started, we don't say anything. Our freedom of work has been started, we don't say anything. And so there's no reason for our opponents to want to reduce us to pawns, day producers, consumers, the second stone of the day, who sleep and stay awake the rest of the time. All of this doesn't look very good. And so what I wanted to tell you this morning is that we can lead all the public policies that we want, whether they are relevant, national or European. If we don't have not only the freedom to choose them, but the freedom to live them on a daily basis, then I tell you, all of this is useless. So let's not deceive ourselves of the essentials. On our freedoms, it's not a question of disagreements or agreements, it's a question of principles, of means, of conditions of possibility. There is no possible society if those who live are not free. We are finally suppressing freedom. This will be our fight in the near future. We are not very far anyway. And what is certain is that our opponents will not force us to sit down or to be silent. Good work and have a good day. Thank you very much. The day of the conservatives. So you are here. Yes, first of all, because I am a conservative too. Secondly, because the party Via la Voix du Peuple is a party of social conservatives, of Christian inspiration, very, very clear. But we also have the will to defend and find a certain number of fundamental elements that are very important for the constitution, the life of society. And we share these convictions with the conservative movement with which we work regularly and constantly now. And you know, just yesterday there was a teacher who was killed. And suddenly France alert, emergency, attack. Conquering Islam attacks France because it is France. Because it is emblematic of the heritage of Christian civilization. And that's exactly what Islamists and conquering Islamists are aiming at when they attack us and when they kill our children and our teachers. If we don't understand that, then we can't lead the right fight and a proportionate fight against those who attack us regularly, by many means. And I plead that we finally recognize that yes, it is Islam that attacks us, not Muslims. Islam attacks us. And Islam attacks us because we are a Christian country, not because we are a republic. It has nothing to do with it. And to hear, moreover, the motivations of the movements, it was the motivations of Daesh in the past, these are those of Hamas today, and then these terrorists who are linked in one way or another to this movement. When we hear their motivations, let's draw the consequences and let's see, let's try to understand what there is of resistance. Not in the Republic against Islam, which is not a big deal to resist, but in Christian civilization against Islam. And there, indeed, we have enough to counter the conquests of Islam in Europe.