The Rudy Giuliani Show: Friday, November 6, 2026

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Hello, this is Rudy Giuliani. This is the Rudy Giuliani Show.
I am in Manchester, New Hampshire,
where, as you know, I've been recuperating, and I'm 80% recuperated.
That's what I told
my doctor today. Later on, I'll show you my little monitor.
If you can figure it out,
you're better than I am. In any event, I'm doing well.
And I keep promising you I'm going to tell
you what it is. It's nothing big secret.
It reminds me of the way my friend Tom
Tom Kane lost in New Jersey.
You have no idea what a great guy Tom Kane is,
the congressman from New Jersey, who lost.
But he was missing from Congress for like,
oh, gosh, I don't even know how long.
I mean, a long time, like three, four months,
and he wouldn't tell me what was wrong with him.
And it was nothing.
I actually still don't know what it was.
But then, of course, he got trounced.
When you look at all this now,
you can say he might have been trounced anyway.
I'm probably right. Everybody did. Look, he was a stronger candidate.
He probably was the strongest candidate in New Jersey
of our Republicans. Maybe not the strongest,
but one of the strongest younger ones, and therefore is one
that would be one of the last ones to go in a tsunami.
But he went, and I think he probably would have gone,
as I said anyway, if he hadn't been absent.
But I have nothing to hide.
I can tell you what it is in a little while.
I just am bored by it.
The big story, of course, is Susie Wiles or Susie Summerall,
who retired,
and not at all unusual.
I'm surprised it hadn't happened up until now.
Very few chiefs of staff last a full term.
She did, right?
She was his first pick and his only pick.
For chief of staff, which for the type of president he is,
which is interfering, micromanaging,
annoying, gets involved in everything,
wants to know everything, bothers everybody, just
like I was a mayor, so I have a right to say it.
Even in my first term, I had one, two chiefs of staff,
and the first one was my very best
friend in the whole world.
And my campaign manager, and my pal, and the godfather of my children,
and I was the godfather of his children, and one of the three
or four smartest men I had ever met in my whole life,
and now my advocate in heaven, I've retained him in heaven,
to represent me in an enormously important trial that we all get.
And he has promised me he can handle it.
But he...
Actually, he left in a very nice way.
And he remained always a big advisor to all of us.
He left, really, because he had two daughters.
He had to get them through college.
He had made a good deal of money in his law and accounting practice,
but not a fortune, not really.
He had made a lot of money until you start thinking about
the college education of two young girls.
And all the other things that it takes to live in Manhattan
and also the offers were enormous because Peter was hired not just
because of the connection to me as the mayor,
but when it was obvious I could be reelected.
I'm sure that had a lot to do with it.
You can't ignore practicality.
But Peter got hired because he'd want Peter.
I mean, Murdoch put him on the board of News Corp.
He was on there for five, six years.
I can't tell you how many boards he was on.
He had more work than he could possibly handle.
He created a great business, a great business,
legal, consulting, accounting, economic advice.
My second was Randy Mastro,
who was also Adam's chief of staff later on.
He came back.
Randy was a Democrat,
but he was in my original administration.
He was, Peter wasn't really my chief of staff.
Peter was my first deputy mayor,
But then Randy.
was the chief of staff, and then Randy took over as first deputy mayor.
And then before it was all
out, I had two more. So I had four.
And that's about what Reagan had. That's about what Obama
had. That's about what Adams had, if we look at the mayors.
So Susie, in four years, is a,
particularly since she went through cancer,
God bless her and congratulations to her.
God bless her, first of all, on her health.
And God bless her and her loyal service to the United States of America
and to a truly great president.
Her accountability for the political situation,
of course, everyone has it, right?
Everyone in the administration is part
of the laws as they'd be part of the win.
But she sure as heck is not in the top tier of the people
who set the strategy or the political people or in that sense.
I mean, she was during the campaign, but not during this one.
Thank
There's going to be a lot written about this,
particularly with the way Vance has now taken him.
I mean, there's no doubt, you can call it anything you want,
but he's taken a step away.
Susie tried to rein him in a couple of times,
you.
including a leaked, and I think true, admonition to him,
stay the hell off, you're on social media too much.
And you're making it look like there's a separation there.
I served in, I served,
I served closely in an official way.
I served in, I would say I served closely in two presidencies.
But one as a lawyer, and that was Donald Trump's first term.
And the other was a government official,
and that was in eight years of Ronald Reagan.
And I have to say about that vice presidency,
it was never even a little line like this between Trump and Bush.
And these are two men who had a somewhat different worldview.
Um, both of them were strong men, stronger intellectuals
than you thought, in the sense that they were thinkers,
even though both presented themselves in a folksy,
different folksy kind of way. New England, Western.
But they, they, I would say if I had to find two people
who really understood it, and you want a model,
I'd go with that one. Now, Clinton and Gore weren't bad.
As president or vice president, although there was some separation,
but really was necessary with Clinton because Gore, in wanting to run,
had to separate himself from the little girls given oral sex
in the Oval Office, right?
And then separated himself from Clinton during the election, possibly.
So, no, you can't take those two.
Cheney Bush.
Cheney was a very loyal vice president, but he got his way a lot.
So I would say Bush and Reagan.
This hasn't been.
And the president gets more credit for this than the kid,
because the president has never
really given him a slap like a couple of times I thought he needed.
The last one was uncalled for,
and it's much worse than anyone is willing to state, but
as a 40-year-long friend of Donald J. Trump, I'm going to do it.
There was no reason for him, the night of the election,
to give us his Edward R. Murrow view of the election.
He's not Edward R. Murrow.
He's the vice president of the United States.
Right now, we don't really give a ---- about his political analysis.
We really want to know what else he can do for the country.
And then we can think about you as president.
I like you.
I'm coming into this telling you I like you.
I've gained a lot of respect for you.
Look, it didn't start well when you called President Trump a Nazi.
A friend doesn't forget it like a wife does.
So it took a while to accept you, Donald.
His son vouching for you helped a lot.
Your performance during the presidential campaign
was nothing short of superlative.
And your first couple of years as vice president.
And in many ways, in a number of respects,
your work as vice president has been very good.
Your emphasis on fraud is almost somewhat historic in terms
of really kind of making that issue a much more important issue,
commensurate with the importance that it really has.
And your decency is seen.
You're a good man and a decent man.
God-fearing man, and of course, as a Catholic,
seeing you as a convert makes me feel extremely
close to you. But I can love you,
and I can still get very angry at you, and I'm angry at you.
I don't think those words were necessary,
that the election was decided based on the war,
because the war is Donald Trump.
In other words, the election was decided on a bad decision.
Or a poorly carried out decision of my boss,
and one that you guys all know I was supposed to.
A lot of reasons that you could have done that,
and I'm willing to listen to them over time.
But right now, I'm very angry about it.
And I'm also going to dispute it.
The most you could have said was, in a historic defeat
of dimensions that reach historic proportions
in terms of a Republican or Democratic administration,
There always are, and there are a number of factors,
and they're never assessed correctly
immediately.
I'm not giving you the statement that would be made by a mature,
loyal person, and an
honest one.
Therefore, it is too early to assess exactly how it happened,
and those of us who prize
wisdom over soundbites will take some time to study it.
It does appear that there are factors that we can list
from the numerous polls that were taken.
And I guess this time we have to give the polls
a little more credit than we do in the past,
because, hey, I've said this, me, Rudy,
many times, that polls are always wrong.
They have been.
The last election and even before that, I said,
someday they're going to turn out to be right.
Well, they turned out to be right.
And I have no dispute with the issues part of it.
I think they're on target.
They differ a little.
But it emerges very, very dramatically that the war
is not the number one issue with regard to the polls.
In fact, in some cases, it's not two or three.
Some cases, it is two.
A lot of cases, it's three or four.
The issue clearly is people feeling in various different ways
in their own lives that the economy is bad.
In fairness, you can say the war contributes to that,
particularly the gasoline price,
which drives it a lot because it's the one they get to see.
They don't get to feel the inflation rate.
When the big announcement takes place,
inflation rate 3.2%, doesn't mean anything to the common
average regular American, including me.
When I go buy the things I like, and that I habitually buy,
And that I habitually buy.
And all of a sudden, I'm reaching in for a little more money.
Or as we sometimes don't feel it as much,
but we look at the credit card and, hey, that's a dollar more.
Or, gee, I used to get out of here for 13 bucks.
Now it's 15.
I used to go to my diner and I ended up at 22.
Now it's 25.
That kind of thing.
And what's the one that gets you right away if you're a driver?
Of course, $2.98, $3.40.
And not only do you get to see it when you buy it,
and you see it on your card, it gets
advertised to you every three blocks.
Here I am in New Hampshire.
I could be back in Florida, or I could be driving around Los Angeles.
Very hard to go 10 blocks
and not get an advertisement for the price of gasoline.
So that had a lot to do with it.
And the price of gasoline is up.
Yes, yes, yes, a lot of it due to the war.
So in that sense, no one can dispute,
Mr. Vice President, that the war played a role
in it.
Everyone can dispute that it played the main role in it.
Because beyond the inflation issue was also
the issue of general expenses, price of homes,
The price of housing.
The cost of feeding and clothing children,
the cost of educating children, many of these
had nothing to do with the war.
And in head-to-head looking into the polls,
in most cases, and this is hard to believe because
emotionally one would think it would be the opposite,
more people blame terrorists in
the war.
So if you were going
to criticize your president.
You've got to be 100% accurate and 100% sure.
And I got to tell you, no matter who you are,
at this stage after an election, you can't
possibly be 100% sure.
So, Mr. Vice President, you got a lot,
as they used to say on I Love Lucy, to Desi Arnaz,
Desi would say to Lucy,
which he'd make one terrible mistake after another, you have a
lot of explaining to do.
You've got a lot of explaining to do.
Now.
I guess the best thing to start with is.
Who replaces Susie Wiles, and what does that tell us?
My goodness, it tells us everything.
It tells us everything, doesn't it?
So, I mean, the president could have emerged from this several ways.
He could have emerged chastened and defeated Jimmy Carter.
He could have
emerged ready
to meet him
halfway.
Look at triangulation.
If you want to play the game with me, you go pick some,
because, you know, there are a whole bunch of these.
So we have, we've got to write a few of these down,
just for the heck of it.
So one way of emerging from it
would be, we'd say Carter, right?
For that one?
Number two, we could say, we could
say, we could say conciliatory or...
Blah, blah, blah, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha.
Let's say
totally
conciliatory,
i.e.,
triangulation,
and who's that?
So here we have, here we have 70.
Here we have...
90.
90, uh...
96, then let's say.
Go with Bush.
Bush.
So, let's go with...
Let's say
totally
conciliatory.
How about conciliatory?
I would say Bush, which is why
he kind of screwed up Iraq,
but still put the troops
in when he wanted to.
So conciliatory, plus, minus.
And finally,
let's say
political,
political.
That'd be Reagan.
And that would be in.
That would be in 80, would have
been in 86 when he brought
in Howard Baker.
And you want to
contrast Howard Baker
and this one.
And here we would say number
five, that's Trump and that's
Stephen Miller. So I'm going to take a contrast
of Howard Baker and Stephen Miller. Now, Howard
Baker was a great choice for Ronald Reagan
when he got defeated by the Democrats, because although
Although he was a Republican.
He was probably the most popular senator,
ex-senator, or whatever he was at the time.
I don't know if he resigned from the Senate to do it,
or he hadn't run for re-election, or whatever.
But he came back, and he worked for the president.
He got a fit in one of the top ten chiefs of staff.
And along with Mrs. Reagan and the president himself,
because you can't do it without the president.
That's the two years the Reagan presidency built
on what it had substantively achieved,
not necessarily politically,
but what it had substantively achieved over six years
and became one of the top five presidencies.
And it was noted as he was doing it.
Now, I knew Howard Baker quite well,
and I have to say, as a young man, I was one of
his favorites he offered me.
I was the U.S. attorney then with a very,
by then, a nationwide record.
I had already succeeded against a lot of drug trafficking.
I had prosecuted a good deal of the mafia cases.
I was in the process of uprooting.
And prosecuting just about everybody in the Democratic administration.
And I was going after Wall Street and Milken
and Boesky in a way that no one had ever done it before.
And they were all successful against great odds.
And I also argued cases the president specifically asked me to do.
For example,
the deployment of the cruise missiles and to Nazi...
Nazi deportations, which was extraordinarily controversial
because of the anti-Jewish,
anti-Semitic views of Pat Buchanan
and the group of Republicans around him who targeted me.
I was targeted twice for that, to be fired,
and also for going after the Teamsters Union
because it was a Republican union.
Howard Baker straight out offered me the job
as head of the SEC for the president or said
the president would offer it to me.
He did a great deal to try to talk me into being head of the FBI.
And he also urged me to run for the Senate toward
the very end against Senator Moynihan,
Which I thought about, running for the Senate,
probably entertained it.
Largely because they were nice people, and at that point,
I think I had decided in my mind, without telling anybody,
my wife and my closest friend, that I think I wanted to run for mayor.
But I didn't even want to say that while I was U.S. attorney.
And then when Howard Baker tried to get me to run for the Senate,
he was one of the few people I shared it with.
I even asked his advice, and he advised me I should run for the Senate.
I wouldn't get elected to that mayor.
I had a much better chance of getting elected to the Senate.
Well, in any event, that's the whole history.
He solved the political problems better than any chief
of staff had ever solved political problems.
So that the going after the lame duck president
by the Democrats was combated about as effectively as possible.
So you say, well, why doesn't Trump get a guy like that?
Of course, there ain't nobody like that.
Tell me who he's going to get.
Bring in some Democrats and sell out MAGA?
Can't do that.
He doesn't have a Howard Baker.
And he's not Ronald Reagan.
He may be as great a president,
maybe greater, maybe not quite as great.
You can go argue it.
You can argue it.
I'm not saying he's not as great a president.
He's just not Ronald Reagan.
Just like George Bush wasn't Ronald Reagan
and Bill Clinton wasn't Ronald Reagan and Ronald Reagan wasn't them.
Good and bad.
This is a good choice for who my friend is.
He's not, I'm sorry, he's not going down.
Being, you know, they're going to walk off
into the distance being friends forever.
He and Chuck Schumer.
I'm sorry, I'm just not going to do it.
Too much of a man of principle.
And Reagan didn't have the scars, the legitimate scars that Trump has.
They didn't do to Ronald Reagan or his family,
for that matter, what they've done to Donald Trump.
Just like they didn't do that to me when I was mayor.
They did it to me when I was his lawyer and after I was his lawyer,
things that the only
reason I have forgiven them is because my religious view has changed
or returned to
what it was when I was a mere child.
But these are not the Democrats
that Baker was dealing with.
These are hateful, evil people.
I'm sorry.
They are.
I've forgiven them, but I haven't become unrealistic about them.
When you can turn on the Jewish people the way Chuck Schumer has,
there is nothing left to you.
I see a man with whom I would have to pretend
that I am nice to him because my sense of ethics
and my religion requires me to be.
But I feel he is one of the worst examples of the weakness
of humanity to have turned on the state of Israel the way he did
and on the Jewish people at a time of great need.
At a time of spreading anti-Semitism,
when the whole rule has always been, you've got to stop it.
When it first emerges, well, boy, it's gone way beyond first emerge.
So the president has to reassert
the spirit of MAGA, doesn't he?
And it's going to take, now, let's not do a simplistic solution
to this three days after the election.
Otherwise, we fall into the trap.
Let's lay out
the questions rather than the answers.
I thought DeSantis had a solid view on this,
in which he said this wasn't a blue apocalypse.
It was close to an instinctual level event
for the GOP.
No, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no.
Now run.
No reason to be angry if you didn't do anything wrong
and you haven't been a traitor.
God bless you. You're a very, very good man.
Historically, you've already made your place.
You're going to be one of the great governors
of one of the great states that was revived.
But you're overreacting a bit.
I remember the extinction of the Republican Party after
Watergate, and then I remember Ronald Reagan a few years later.
And I remember at some point in the Reagan-Bush era,
we're not going to have a Democrat for
30 years, and along comes Bill Clinton.
Or after Obama, we're not going to have a Republican forever,
and here's Donald Trump.
So not only has that never been true,
but in the age of, let's call it the whole new
communication, it's like that.
So let's do a quick analysis, right?
He gets elected, yes he does, on the MAGA,
what's the difference maker to me?
One difference maker, you can pick a few others.
Difference maker is he brings in the unrepresented.
He brings in the unwashed, right?
The riffraff, the one that Obama wouldn't,
you know, the ones that go to the Cheesecake
The abominable, the lowest rank of the,
you know, however the Democrats talk.
So what does he, what gets him elected?
That gets him elected if they've been ignored.
What gets him elected are not any one promise, but the whole group
of promises that ends up organizing itself around MAGA,
or we call it America First, I guess.
Poor term.
From the very beginning, I thought, boy, this is going to be good
and bad, this term, this first, this America first.
And not because, gosh almighty, do I believe in America first.
America first, foremost, and just about only.
I don't like, I'm a historian, I don't like the historical reference
to the Lindbergh Nazi first America movement.
I just don't like it.
I think it creates too much confusion for us.
I even, I know some people thought this was off-putting,
I even liked American exceptionalism
better, because we should defend that,
and we should prove that, and then we can stretch
it out into Western civilization exceptionalism, but okay.
So what was America first?
It was, we've been caving into these foreign countries forever.
We've been making deals with them that have cost the middle of America.
A generation or two of decent jobs
that have destroyed American cities that all of us
as travelers have driven through
and seen abandoned to factories in India and China
and South America
and Mexico.
We've made taxes absurd in the blue states.
Inflation, oh, gosh, we had double,
you know, we're worried about 3% inflation.
It used to be 12 and 13.
It was so high at one point, we didn't even know what it was.
Disinflation.
We had job numbers, unemployment,
you know, at plus 10%.
The stock market crashing.
And what does he say?
He's going to do two things.
We're campaigning, but I'm going to do two things.
I'm going to cut tax, I'm going to cut
regulation, and your economy's going to...
He comes in, he cuts regulation, and he tells me and everybody else,
this is actually more important.
I've got to cut taxes, too. It's really going to zoom, but whatever.
Just a cut of regulations, we're going to get a great deal.
And we did, before the cut of taxes.
My economy's growing.
He took the regulations, and slashed them.
Took the taxes, slashed them.
Greatest economy America had in 50 years.
Long comes COVID.
Big hit, big excuse for the Democrats to turn us communists,
socialists, dictatorship,
both economic and behavioral.
But by the time he leaves office, he's got the economy almost back.
They ruin it all with bills
that are catastrophic in terms of our economy.
But he did give us what he promised.
He cut taxes.
He tamed inflation.
He had the job market booming.
He had the stock market booming, and he ended
the war against the Islamic terrorists that
Obama had left behind quickly and assuredly.
And he started to appear as if, for the first time,
somebody was dealing with China.
Then he runs for re-election.
He runs for re-election as a populist, doesn't he?
We're going to lower prices. Inflation's going to go down.
We're going to have a lot of jobs.
We're going to have even a better economy than
the great economy that we had before. We're going to
straighten out American trade.
And we're going to end the war in Ukraine that never should have
happened before I come into office, and a
And we're going to follow through on the Abraham Accords
that will bring peace to the Middle East
in another war that should not have happened.
And we'll get that done real quick.
One of them before I get into office.
That's where it goes off, right?
Some of that happens.
Some of it happens in ways no one ever saw.
He solves the immigration,
unbelievable historic problem of millions of people coming in.
It gets you pretty much down to zero.
He gets crime at levels we ain't heard of in 50 years.
We've got a safer country.
We've got a safer border.
He tames other countries, solves eight wars.
Starts rebuilding our military,
starts putting us on the road to challenging China and taking
away their monopoly in chips and their monopoly in medicine
and their monopoly in everything.
Faster than you ever looked at.
Got investments in the United States
that have our market soaring.
We're going to take a short break and then we're going to see the other
side of what happened because those became obscured by others.
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And we'll be right back.
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Are we ready
to come back on?
Are we ready to come back on?
Are we ready?
Okay, we are.
We're back on. I was muted. We're back on there.
I did a monologue there because I thought it was good
at the time of the weekend to try to pull together.
Everything I thought now, because by Monday,
I'm going to think more things because I'm going to spend
a lot of time in between watching Notre Dame and the Giants,
talking to people and thinking about this.
I may even get a chance, if I feel well,
on Sunday to go over to Mar-a-Lago.
We'll see.
It's going to depend on how I feel.
But I sure can be on the phone quite a bit.
So I'll be able to educate.
I sort of wanted to lay this out almost for myself
as a kind of essay on, because I think,
I mean, I say this modestly,
I think we're entitled to a professional review of what
happened and some truly knowledgeable
judgments about what we can do with it.
And most of the people speaking,
and there are plenty of people who could speak that
Maybe they don't want to yet, you know,
like Newt Gingrich and people like that.
But the wise people in the party are not speaking right now.
And I consider myself one of them.
So, you know, the people speaking have knowledge about one election
or two or three, not 25.
And, um...
Is this one of the biggest political shock waves?
We've had
Equivalent to Trump's victory.
In 16, maybe Reagan's in maybe Reagan's in in 80
and possibly the Watergate shake up
by that by the Democrats.
I say that's right. You might put the Kennedy,
the election after the Kennedy assassination in that category.
But that had a special explanation to it.
Mayor, what about on the other side, 2010 and 1994?
Well, I would say those are two others, 94
reversed 40 years of Democrat control of
the House.
I mean, the House was still working on the legacy
of Franklin Roosevelt, and Newt Gingrich
turned that around.
All of them, think about it, Ted, none of them became permanent.
At the time, they seemed catastrophic.
I remember after Watergate,
there was going to have to be a new party, not the Democrats.
After Watergate, there was going to have
to be a new party, the Republican Party.
Well, the Republican Party almost won the next election.
I mean, Ford and Carter were disposed.
And then the Republican Party took over for a generation.
And that's right. That's my point, Mayor. I mean, everyone,
and like you said, folks, and of course, you're talking about it.
We have a show for two hours, but all this like doom and gloom and,
you know, Monday morning quarterbacking,
but to the extreme where it's like, we're the permanent minority.
I want to remind people, even within my lifetime, 94, 2006.
We've been the permanent minority a number of times. So have they.
2006? Remember 2006?
Well, I'm going to tell you this.
After Ronald Reagan,
after his victory in 82,
when he beat, was that the Mondale victory?
In 1980.
In 1980, he beat Carter, but in 84,
he beat Mondale by all but one state.
There may have to be a new party.
The Democratic Party might have to be reconstituted.
They thought it would never come back.
And then Bush gets elected.
Even then they're saying, you know, wow.
And then Clinton wins.
And for a year, it seems like, well,
a new young generation of moderate Democrats have now won.
And we're finished.
The moderate Democrats,
Clinton obviously pays no attention to what he promised.
He lets the liberals take over.
They act like Karl Marx had just taken over Washington.
And within two years, the question becomes, can Clinton survive?
I mean, come on, we've been through this too often.
It is absolutely conceivable that two years from now,
we will have a big Republican victory
for the presidency, or we could lose.
And the point that I was trying to make in laying all of that out is,
there's so much to this one, you can easily pick the biggest issue.
based on your own prejudices.
And the most important thing is to get all the issues down
and then to start thinking and talking.
And this is one of those things where a three-day retreat
of the people in the party would be very, very valuable.
And if they're not going to do it,
we should kind of do it informally.
And that's what I promised people. And that's why I did that.
I propose you lead a retreat, Mayor.
And we get some folks, so maybe we do it in Florida.
Maybe we'll try to bring in a few people.
We won't say anything right now because we'll prejudice it.
But over the weekend, we'll think of about four or five people,
slightly different views, and see what we can do.
Maybe we'll have one next week.
What did you think of Stephen Miller
and the switch,
Susie and Stephen Miller?
Look, I think it's, um...
It's not unnatural right after
the midterms for a chief of staff to exit.
I commend her for waiting until the midterms were over
because, of course,
leaving before would just have been an additional talking point.
For the media and the Democrats, of course,
Susie Wiles, you've known her for a long time.
Uh, I...
I've known her father without knowing her father my whole life.
I knew her father for real, but also as a child, as a true hero.
I mean, he was the hero of the 1958 giant victory over
the Cleveland Browns that sent them into, I think,
the greatest game ever played against the Colts.
We'll play that.
Pat, Pat Summerall.
It's cold, it's dark, it's wet, and the ball is 49 yards out.
Summerall kicks.
Lombardi grabbed me and hugged me.
I thought he was going to say congratulations or something.
That wouldn't fit his style.
And he said, you know, you son of a bitch, you can't kick it that far.
I was 17 years old, and I was sitting
in the right field bleachers in Yankee Stadium.
And I was 12 years old,
and I was sitting in Garden City, South New York.
Getting ready to go out and play our second half
of our touch football game that we used to play around giant games,
and I lost my voice yelling and screaming and jumping up
and down and asking my father if he would take me to Cleveland.
Well.
As a kid, you've heard of the Madden video game series, right?
All right.
So Madden, 1999 for the Nintendo 64,
the announcers for the game were John Madden and Pat Summerall.
And I played that video games for hours,
so I'd hear Pat Summerall's voice.
And I guess his whole deal was, he was just very direct.
Maybe it was video games for the video game, but...
You know, he was always very understated, but he knew the game.
He had a lot of class.
He presented it well.
And, you know, it's an interesting, him and John Madden, right?
Classic announcers.
So Susie Wiles, I was always partial to Susie just
because of her family history.
You know, Pat began.
So then he remained with the Giants.
He was their kicker for a while.
for some time.
Then he retired, of course, like everyone.
He was actually also a football player.
He was a tight end and a defensive end.
I mean, he's sort of a smaller defensive end.
But the guy was 6'2".
He was not like a...
He was a big guy for a kicker.
And he caught passes every...
He has a record of pass catching from.
From Connolly, that was his quarterback.
I don't know if he went into the Y.A. Tittle.
I don't know if he went into the Y.A. Tittle era.
I think he did, maybe the first year of the Y.A. Tittle era.
By then, he was just a pure kicker.
But he had been a pretty good end.
I'm
These guys were not just kickers.
He wasn't just a kicker like Lou Groza,
starting
who was the best kicker of the era for the Cleveland Browns.
He was one of the best offensive tackles in football.
He's a big offensive tackle.
to
And he was a top kicker.
speak.
Some role was probably number two.
That's why Lombardi said, you don't kick it that far.
Now, there's another thing here.
He was 49 yards.
It was either 54 or 58.
So when they go back to try to recreate it.
They're beyond the 50-yard line.
They thought they were right before the 50-yard line,
but they were beyond the 50-yard line.
But they don't know if they were at the 53- or 54-yard line
in that group or in the next group.
So we have never known what Summerall's kick was.
Well, we're going to have to look into that and get to the answer,
and maybe, you know, I know Susie's been so busy when you're
the chief of staff to the most important man in the world. We've got
to get her on, and if for anything else, we're going to have to...
He was a really nice man with an acknowledged drinking problem.
Right.
Well, maybe we can get Susie on, but Mayor, we're wrapping up,
and I want to tease our guest for the next hour.
We have in one of the bright spots of the night, someone
that our audience knows, our America's Mayor Live audience knows,
Anthony Costantino with the big victory in upstate New York,
and we're going to have him at quarter past the top of the hour,
so go over to X YouTube.
I'm so proud of Anthony. I'm so proud of Anthony.
But I'm going to let you say goodnight.
We have just a minute left there.
Anthony won, and Anthony won in what should not have been a tough election,
but he won like no other Republicans have won.
Anthony's got a real future,
and we want to find out how he bucked the odds.
And also, I want to talk to him because I share,
and that's the reason I supported him,
I share a lot of his views on the politics of my old state.
Thank you very, very much for staying with us this week.
I'm sorry I was in and out of the hospital.
If you come over to X, I keep promising at the very beginning,
I'll devote four minutes to explaining what's going on,
and it's nothing to, unless I want to get your sympathy,
I'll make it nice and straightforward.
Maybe I'll exaggerate it so I get your sympathy.
Well, this is the weekend.
It's Sunday, Saturday.
Jewish people, time to return, huh?
Get together.
When you're under attack like that, get together.
And get together with us.
We're part Jewish.
We are.
God bless America.
