Is China Marxist or Fascist?

China Unscripted
877 followers
178 Video Views·Jan 2, 2025
So would you say that the Chinese Communist Party is woke left or woke right?
Yes.
Yeah.
They're woke.
I mean, they're running.
They don't care.
Right and left don't matter to them.
They are running a broadly pragmatist 21st century communist program.
But in terms of woke left and woke right, the reason I said yes is because woke left
is vaguely kind of Maoist Marxism and woke right is this kind of neo-fascism that gets
cobbled into it.
And they're doing both.
They have hedged away from the left-wing cultural things that we normally identify
in the West as left-wing, like the CRT and the gay rights and women's rights and all this.
It's all like very macho propaganda, very whatever else.
But the Chinese Communist Party throughout its entire history, going back to the 1920s when it
was formed, just takes whatever position on those kinds of issues that it needs at whatever time.
You can go back in history.
And at various times, there were huge pushes to criticize Han chauvinism, which is the equivalent
of CRT's white supremacy culture.
Huge pushes.
Then all of a sudden, they would vanish and everybody in China's friends again.
And then no, no, no, criticize Han chauvinism again.
And so for them, it's completely utilitarian.
These programs, they can change very quickly.
They can change according to the need.
And all it takes is a nice purge of the people who are thinking the wrong way, even though
then they were actually thinking according to the current government policy.
And when the policy changes, you can just basically transform a totalitarian controlled
population close to on a dime.
And so, yeah, they're both.
The phrasing in the Marxist literature and the Maoist literature is to avoid both left
and right deviations, right?
And so they have their Marxist, therefore leftist mentality, but they don't try to go
too far into the radical left external stuff and they don't try to go too far into the
radical right external stuff.
But it stays this course.
This is why this is a very difficult conversation to have, because we now get to go back to
the beginning.
And what is leftism?
And, you know, is leftism this view of radical transformation of society by an enlightened
elite?
Yes, that's what it is.
And then all the methodologies become available at their disposal.
And our question about the woke right then transforms.
It's not are these people woke?
Yes, they are.
The question is, are they right?
And the answer is probably not.
They're actually following a leftist protocol.
And the CCP is that way, too.
Like they can veer more to what we would consider right wing or veer to more what we would
consider left wing within the fact that they're in a broad leftist current.
I'd be interested to hear what you were saying a little bit more about what you were saying
earlier about Thomas Carlyle and Schmitt and how that influenced the CCP currently.
I only know a little bit.
I do know that the that the CCP picked up Schmitt, particularly his concepts of the
unbound executive and the friend enemy distinction.
Communism already runs on a friend enemy distinction.
I think that actually Schmitt was observing that and the rise of fascism in Germany.
He wrote this before he became a Nazi, before the Nazi party took over.
And so I think he was observing the way that communist and fascist politics actually work.
There's us and there's them.
And the them is our enemy.
And we have to band together as an us in order to fight them.
And therefore, you know, we're going to put whatever we need to put on the table because
they are an existential threat to our way of life.
That's actually the hypothesis.
Therefore, we also need an executive who is not bound by rule of law.
They can do what he needs to do, can go extra judicial or extra legal when he needs to.
And this is the philosophy that the CCP definitely incorporated.
Of course, I don't know if Mao incorporated it from Schmitt or not, because Mao already
operated that way.
Like Mao's tutor, we can get into all these complicated ideas.
Was he influenced by Carlyle?
Some people say yes, some people say no.
Was he influenced by Pierre Teilhard de Chardin?
Some people say yes, some people say no.
Was he influenced by Schmitt?
Some people say yes, some people say no.
Was he influenced by Gramsci?
Some people say yes, some people say no.
But the fact of the matter, was he influenced by Joseph Stalin?
Yup, sure was.
Joseph Stalin was, in fact, in most regards, his mentor.
And Stalin adopted most of these techniques.
It doesn't matter which theorists actually wrote them down.
The same ideas were in play.
And so whether or not Mao adopted those, certainly since the 1980s, Schmitt's ideas have been
kind of central to CCP organizational thought.
Now, Xi Jinping kind of openly accepts Schmittian thought.
I can't say that he openly accepts Carlyle or not, I don't know.
But I was just reading an article yesterday that said that the best way to characterize,
usually Thomas Carlyle, he's Scottish, is characterized as being the proto-fascist or
even kind of the first fascist or the father of fascism.
But this article made a very compelling case that, in fact, he is the first Maoist.
Before Mao was a Maoist, Thomas Carlyle outlined a Maoist protocol.
And Thomas Carlyle's philosophy was basically that all of history's movement is actually
controlled by great men.
And it doesn't matter what direction they point, as long as they're great, as long as
they're ruthless, as long as they seize power and wield it, absolutely.
So Mao is a good guy in that kind of visual.
So is Hitler.
So is Napoleon.
Not necessarily people who would agree.
I guess Cromwell would have been probably a good guy because he seized power in Britain
and the whole thing.
So this Thomas Carlyle view is actually that great men doing great deeds that are of
historical consequence is actually what advances the wheel of history.
And anything in society that prevents, you know, like capitalism or letting people have
their own opportunities or freedoms, anything that prevents the rise of the great man and
his ability to exercise and wield power is actually really bad.
And if you actually look at the way how capricious Mao was and what he did, how utilitarian he
was and what he did, you can see those fingerprints.
But like I said, I just read this one compelling article on it.
I don't know whether or not he had read Carlyle himself.
It's very difficult, actually.
I've done a little bit of work on that.
It's very difficult to determine what it is that Mao's influences were outside of Stalin.
It's very clear that he had this, you know, tense relationship with Stalin and basically
was China's Stalin until Stalin died.
And then he had to become this kind of different monster.
That's very well put about the, you know, these great men, the Ubermensch.
That really ties into like what the scam of Marxism is, that it promises like, okay,
we'll seize all the means of productions, redistribute things.
And so you, the everyday person, proletariat, will be able to rise up.
And it's never that.
Yeah, it's never that.
And if you actually read Marx, where he's like outlining how it's all supposed to work,
like where he, what's it called?
The thing about the Paris Commune, the civil war in Paris.
If you actually read that, it's always organized the same way.
It's like all this stuff is going to happen.
But then the CCP, or not sorry, the CCP is in China.
The Communist Party, whatever it happens to be in each country, is going to be at the
center of making sure it all goes, right?
So we're going to have this revolution.
It's going to be for the proletariats.
But the Communist Party is actually going to be its representatives and its guides.
And by the way, I'm in charge of that, right?
So it's always this like scam for a dictator with a ruling party that's being done in the
name of these people.
But what it does is it promises all these people, you, the peasant, you're going to
be the Ubermensch now because the socialists are all Ubermensch.
But what actually the structure is, is that the leadership of the party become the great
men who actually wield the power to change history or turn the turn the law wheel of
history to kind of touch on another tangentially Chinese concern.
That was just one piece of our almost two hour long interview.
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