The Laws of Ancient Egypt- Part 10- The Records of Deir El Medina

History of Law
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8 Video Views·Jul 27, 2026
A cache of records in the desert gives us a look into daily life for Ancient Egyptians, including their lawsuits, tattletales, troublemakers, and how the locals dealt with them.
I learned how to do a vizualizer for my voice so I am trying that here instead of a slideshow.
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Part 10. Real life stories and lawsuits from Dear El Medina.
This is the tenth and final video in my Laws of Ancient Egypt series. Everything that we've
covered in the last nine videos is about to come to life thanks to records from a little
worker village called Dear El Medina. For this portion of the series, I rely very heavily on a
book, or two books I should say, by Andrea McDowell. She is a law professor and historian.
The first book she wrote was on jurisdiction and the law, meaning, you know, different subject
areas covered by different judges, who gets to handle what. And the second is on daily life,
daily village life for ancient Egyptians. And if you want additional information
on how daily life worked, including things like poetry, music, how they did laundry,
I highly recommend that you pick up one of her books.
So far, we've proceeded chronologically. Currently we're in the New Kingdom in the
20th Dynasty during the reign of Ramses III, who dealt with the infamous Heron Conspiracy,
and he also dealt with what's interestingly the first union strike in history, I guess the first
labor strike. Here's the story. It's clear that the invasion of the Sea Peoples, combined with
a glutton trade, some harvest issues, maybe a famine, and a smattering of other unfortunate
events, all of which congealed into a massive tidal wave of civilizational collapse during
the reigns of Merneptah and Ramses III, took its toll on the Egyptian economy, and most importantly,
the Egyptian people, your everyday person, who we really haven't had a chance to talk about yet
in the last 10 or so videos. The days of plenty, by this time, were gone. We have here what looks
to be a supply crunch. Yeah, you remember the pyramid builders in the 3rd and 4th Dynasties,
and that the Old Kingdom collapsed after the 6th Dynasty, and then you had a few hundred years of
chaos? In that chaos, the pyramids were nearly all looted. That's why you don't find mummies in
the pyramids, because all the stuff was stolen, not in the 1800s, but way back then. Future pharaohs
in the Middle Kingdom, and some even in the New Kingdom, they built smaller pyramids as passion
projects, or as to pay homage to the great past, but from the Middle Kingdom onward, pharaohs were
buried in tombs, not in pyramids. In the New Kingdom, beginning with the 18th Dynasty, Thutmose
I, he started construction on the Valley of the Kings. It's a royal necropolis where most of the
pharaohs, including King Tut, were all found. The Valley of the Kings is located inland on the west
side of the Nile, opposite Luxor. There are literally hundreds of tombs, and to construct
all of those tombs, the pharaohs hired workers who were very skilled, and those workers were
given housing. The village is named, like I said before, Dear El Medina. The place is absolutely
desolate. It's in a desert, completely devoid of life, and it's kind of a fitting place for a
necropolis, a place of the dead. It's these conditions that essentially allowed for the
mummification of not only the pharaohs, but the administrative records and personal letters of the
worker community who resided in Dear El Medina. There are thousands of documents, most of which
are still not translated, shedding light on ancient Egyptian daily life, and luckily for us,
how the family functioned, how property was treated, and how local courts operated in connection with
the vizier and the pharaoh. When you read the translated records, it's kind of like an ancient
Egyptian version of Parks and Recreation. There's plenty of local drama, scheming, and sometimes
even attempts to hide legal issues from the eye of the southern vizier. The people who worked there
were more than just skilled workers. I mean, they were paid very well, but they were also highly
literate. That's why we have so many letters, and they also recorded the events that led up to the
first strike in history. In the early reign of Ramses III, the workers in the village,
they wrote about incursions of Libyans who surrounded Thebes and the area of the Valley
of the Kings. Their work continued, but they were obviously scared. When the foreign threat
was eventually lifted, there was economic trouble left in its wake. There were times that the pharaoh
and Thebes just couldn't pay them, and at the time their pay consisted of food, drink, fuel, cloth,
etc. Again, a pre-coinage society here. In the 29th year of Ramses III, the workers complained
of hunger and being short of their rations. This went on well into Ramses' 30th year, at which point
the workers had had enough. They started striking with references made to taking up torches at night
and occupying temple complexes in a sort of peaceful protest, very Kumbaya. The pharaoh did
eventually pay up because, after all, these workers are the ones working on his tomb, and
it's a good thing that he relented because then he was killed in the Heron Conspiracy a short time
later. However, by the time Ramses IV took over, the intermittent payments had resumed,
evidencing a societal decline that would eventually spell the end of Egyptian Bronze
Age civilization. That is the story of the first organized labor strike in history. Labor strikes
are macro-politics, though, or macro-economics. What I want to look at is the many records of
the village itself and how quirky it was, because it was very quirky. I left off in the last video
talking about how it seems the larger government structure of Egypt, meaning the vizier, the high
level government officials, etc. abandoned Mott in a legal sense but not a religious sense after
the reign of Akhenaten. I said, perhaps to the ire of some, that the abandonment was either a
symptom of a slow collapse or maybe what caused the slow collapse representative of the erosion
of ideals that made Egypt what it was. One of the most striking things that I noticed when I was
looking at these translations, this small community might have appreciated Mott as a figure of justice
just as it was done during the Old and Middle Kingdoms, or it's possible that they were just
paying Mott lip service. One of the first writings that we have is something that reads like an
introductory ritual to a hearing, mentioning Mott in a sort of Pledge of Allegiance sort of way. It
was very formulaic. Does it mean something deeper? I'm not sure. Regardless to the extent to which
Mott was considered a legal aspiration or jurisprudential aspiration, the community had a
rather unique way of solving problems. The most peculiar method is trial by oracle, the equivalent
of a trial by magic eight ball. Used mainly in property disputes, the oracle functioned like this.
You have the image of one of the gods carried on a litter, sort of a raised platform with a
seat or a table on it. Scribes from the local court, as well as sometimes scribes sent by the
vizier, would show up and take notes for official records. Priests, who were really just members of
the community, maybe with one or two outsiders, would hoist the oracle into the air. The oracle
would then be asked questions like, does Rahotep own this house? If the answer was yes, the oracle
would move forward. If the answer was no, the oracle would move backwards. What this really
means in practice is that the priests, who were, you know, the party's neighbors and co-workers,
were really just operating on their own suspicions and would make the oracle do whatever they really
thought was going on after hearing rumors or whatever. A few videos ago, I said that property
was really the issue for the vizier, who kept all the records in a great hall for access during
trials. You know, they had prescribed trial periods, hearing schedules, etc. Why then here
are we relying on a magic eight ball? There's a good answer. It's because the pharaoh owned all
the land and houses in Deir el-Medina. It's a worker village sponsored by the pharaoh, so when
you got hired to work there, you'd be assigned a house to live in. It all belonged to the pharaoh.
You didn't actually own anything. You were essentially leasing it from the governor.
It's a benefit of you working in the Valley of the Kings. So whenever a dispute came up regarding
property, they just had to see who the most recent appointee to the house was, which is something that
the village foreman would have on hand. The most common dispute you would have regarding property
is when children wanted their parents' jobs or they wanted their house. Remember that jobs in
ancient Egypt were hereditary for the most part. These are skilled laborers, so it's a little
different. Sometimes the children of the workers, even if they weren't as skilled, would try to get
a job working in the Valley of the Kings just like their parents had, and two, take over the
parents' household where they probably grew up. They grew up in the Valley of the Kings. They want
to stay there. They want to work there. They want to live in the same house. If the house was assigned
to another worker by the government, you would lose. But if the house was one built by your
parents, so even though these people were working in the Valley of the Kings, they had a lot of
downtime, sometimes they would construct their own houses in the valley. In that case, the worker
would own the house and the child might win because it really was their hereditary property, not the
pharaoh's. Only the houses that were originally commissioned for the village belonged to the
pharaoh. The oracle had other functions though. Sometimes it would be used to identify evildoers
or as a sort of preliminary litigation tool. Because this community was so close-knit,
you could imagine that pointing fingers and accusing people of things willy-nilly is probably
a bad idea. It would most likely come back to bite you in the ass. There were a handful of
litigious residents, and we're going to get to them later, but for the most part, you don't want
to defecate where you eat. If you did want to accuse somebody of something, but let's say you
didn't have the testicular fortitude to take the case to the local court, or maybe you just didn't
have enough evidence and only had a mere suspicion, then you would go to the priests who would gather
everyone and pose a question to the oracle regarding whether so-and-so is the one who stole
your hair clip. It gives the accuser a sort of plausible deniability. You're not actually pointing
the finger, the oracle is doing it for you. This oracle wasn't infallible though, and people
regularly second-guessed its prognostications because, again, it's really just the priests
using the image of a god to express their own personal suspicions. Is that really justice?
I don't know. Some people think, including Professor McDowell, that this is a much older
custom oracle use. But based on — I disagree, because based on the inscriptions from past judges
who seemed to take justice very seriously, I can't imagine them resorting to something so
arbitrary as an oracle controlled by men. I think it was either unique to smaller communities,
again as a tension-removing system, or it's the degradation of Egyptian justice manifest.
Aside from using oracles when you go to the actual court, their court procedure was also
really weird. It was very neighborly and very simple. The local court officials were called
magistrates, and the local court itself was called the kenbet. We're just going to refer to it as a
court. No need to know that. Because this is a work community, normally the bosses of the workmen
were among the chief judges, with scribes and local law enforcement officials sitting in.
What this really is, is arbitration. It's not a formal court. The vizier would send scribes
to sit on the court if something juicy was going on, or it could have been that the scribes were
just in town that day for other official duties. We don't know really anything about how the judges
themselves functioned, meaning that we don't know if it was majority rule amongst the judges,
if it had to be unanimous, etc. What is clear, though, is that it was very informal,
with none of the procedural requirements mentioned in Requimare's tomb, for example,
like written petitions, statutes of limitations, prescribed discovery periods,
etc. mentioned at all. These guys just flew by the seat of their pants.
The investigative functions of the court remained the same as we saw before, with the judges doing
the questioning. Because this is such a small community, you don't need an army of scribes to
go out and fetch witnesses and evidence. Rather, most things were done orally, with witnesses,
presumably neighbors of the accused, coming to the court when asked. After all, there were only a
couple of doors down. This informality also impacted enforcement mechanisms. There seems
to have been a reluctance to punish people within the community. In fact, more often than not,
people were given several chances for doing the same thing, and the same case could be heard an
endless number of times. This is very unlike the cases involving the vizier or the pharaoh,
which were very efficient, very quick, and very ruthless. The informality or reluctance did not
extend to the initial law enforcement phase, though, so I don't want to give the picture that
everything was lax. It's really just enforcement. Because while post-judgment enforcement was
relaxed, the initial investigation by law enforcement appears to have involved regular
beatings, either within the village or down to what they called the place of examination,
down by the river. Those are two separate things, the place of examination and down by the river.
Remember that the Valley of the Kings and these tombs were guarded by the elite medjay. We covered
that in several videos ago when we talked about law enforcement. They're still here, and they don't
like to mess around. So the bailiffs are relaxed, the cops not so relaxed. In a few seconds, you're
going to see an example of a complaining witness, a victim, an innocent person who was reporting
something, getting beaten down by the police for reporting it. If they were beating victims,
you know that they were also beating up. As all communities do, this community had its fair share
of troublemakers. There is this one guy, Mary Sekhmet, the beloved of Sekhmet, who comes up not
once but twice in the court records in two completely different cases. The first case is
horrible. It involves a newly engaged couple. Now, we haven't talked about marriage so far. I'll give
it to you really short. It was a thing in Egypt, but it was much more informal than it is today,
or it was in Mesopotamia at the same time. If you watch my video on how Mesopotamian law operated,
they had marriage contracts. Their marriages were recorded. They also had dowries. In Egypt, you
essentially moved in with each other as long as your in-laws approved. There's one letter where a
father-in-law forces his soon-to-be son-in-law to sign a prenuptial agreement saying that if he
divorces her, he would forfeit his right to all common property. It's traditional that even though
marriage was informal, divorce was very formal. Men would get two-thirds of the common property,
the marital property, and the divorce, and women would get one-third of the common property.
Inheritance, like it is today, is separate. It's not considered a part of community property.
Now, assuming that your in-laws approved of the tentative marriage, and even if they made you
sign an ancient prenuptial agreement like this father-in-law did, your intention to move in with
one another was tantamount to an engagement. So here we have a newly engaged couple, two people
who would like to move in with one another and eventually get married, so to speak. The groom
was said to be of modest means, as was the woman. Our nefarious interloper, Mary Sekhmet, who is a
wealthier man in the community, took a liking to the woman and had an affair with her. Now, adultery
in Mesopotamia was often a crime, and the woman would normally be put to death or ostracized.
In Egypt, it wasn't a crime, but it could serve as grounds for a four-cause divorce, and it would
also, interestingly, render the adulterer's share of the common property forfeited.
But from most of the records in the village, adultery was used then, as it is today, as a
tool to engage in slander. One case talks about how an official, Paneb, slept with a number of
women. It wasn't a court case, it was just a letter, but you get the point. In this case of
Mary Sekhmet, the poor groom-to-be reports Mary Sekhmet and his cavorting with his future fiancée
to the local authorities. The authorities then beat him, believing the accusation to be
incredulous. In other words, the local officials, who thought that Mary Sekhmet was so, you know,
rich and handsome and outstanding, couldn't believe that this lowly-born serf was accusing
him of a crime, and beat the lowly-born serf instead of investigating the issue. It looks
like at some point, either because the poor man kept badgering them, or because they themselves
realized that they were wrong, the affair was officially discovered by the authorities.
Mary Sekhmet was forced to take an oath saying that he would leave the woman alone.
He took the oath, but he continued in his conduct anyway, and the woman became pregnant.
So what happened to homewrecker Mary Sekhmet? Well, evidencing the relative impotence of the
local court, he was forced to take yet another oath. Justice at its finest.
Mary Sekhmet comes back again, this time not because he destroyed somebody's future marriage,
but because he's trying to steal somebody's property. A fella named Kenna restored a chapel
that had fallen into disrepair. So remember how I said before that the homes and the land used for
purpose of housing the villagers and the workers all belonged to the pharaoh? Self-built buildings
were privately owned, as stated earlier. Restoring a building, even if it was built by the pharaoh,
also appears to have converted the property from state-owned to privately owned. So Kenna,
in restoring this chapel, made it his own in a sort of adverse possession sort of scenario,
something which was well accepted in the Near East around this time, as seen in many other
law codes. Mary Sekhmet had nothing to do with the restoration of the chapel, but he shows up again,
this time saying that actually one of the gods promised him a share of the chapel. Mary Sekhmet
is the one who initiated the court proceedings. He's our plaintiff this time, before he was the
defendant. So out comes the oracle to do its thing. Not surprisingly, the oracle concluded that Mary
Sekhmet had made the whole thing up. Now, in reality, the priests and the magistrates who
controlled the oracle clearly knew Mary Sekhmet and were sick of his ----. Remember that he came
before them at least twice in the past, having violated his oaths. So his word probably did not
go very far with the local priests and magistrates. The local issues went beyond just stealing women
and claiming that the gods promised you other people's money. Stealing private property,
apparently, resulted in an inquiry and then restitution if found guilty. And the restitution
owed for theft, per the numerous letters and records that we have, was threefold whatever
was stolen. So you steal one thing, you got to pay back three. You also couldn't slander people
by reporting clearly fake charges. And that's kind of what happened with Mary Sekhmet. Remember,
he's respected, and then this lowly guy comes up and says that Mary Sekhmet slept with my fiancée.
The court officials beat him up. There's another case involving someone who was accused of doing
witchcraft, targeting the pharaoh Seti II. This is interesting. We know by now, thanks to the
conspiracy papyrus, that magic, at least when it was used against the pharaoh in a voodoo sort of
way, black magic, so to speak, was a crime punishable by death. One of my friends who
likes to watch these videos and comments very helpful things pointed out that magic was very
normal, like the Book of the Dead is really magic. So it's only voodoo and black magic against the
pharaoh that's bad. So we have this individual accused of doing voodoo magic against Seti II
in Deir el-Medina. But curiously, the local court heard it when it should have been heard
by the vizier. Why? The best guess is that they didn't want the state officials to hear this case,
and they tried to sweep it under the rug. They probably suspected that it was, in fact,
slander, meaning that it didn't actually happen. But if the vizier's office got involved,
it would draw a lot of unwanted attention to the village. It's notable that they did not
interrogate the man who was accused of doing black magic. Instead, they interrogated the
accuser and got them to withdraw their accusations. Crisis averted, I guess.
Now, the local courts, this kenbet, this little village assembly of magistrates,
did not normally deal with crimes. Theft and resulting restitutions were actually considered
civil offenses, which is why they heard them. Criminal evidence from the village is very
scanty because criminal matters were handled by the vizier. Now, that's not to say that no
crimes took place in Deir el-Medina. No, no, no, no, no, quite to the contrary. As with any
tight-knit community, there were scuffles. And, you know, after people drank too much or said
something that they weren't supposed to, there were actually two references we have for forced
punishment as a punishment, I'm sorry, forced labor for punishment for assault. We know that
from a few videos ago that, yes, Egyptians could be sentenced to a probationary term of forced labor
for doing something. The first instance that we have here in Deir el-Medina involved someone who
hit someone else over the head with some sort of implement, causing a grave injury. The second
curiously involves a police officer who had done something bad and was sentenced himself to do
forced labor because he got caught and he needed to be held accountable for his, I guess, official
misconduct. So it seems that here, at least in the village, nobody was really above the law.
Now, while theft from a private person was a civil offense or a tort, as it's called,
and it would be heard by the local court, the main thing to remember is that the vizier and
the pharaoh handled cases that touched the church or the state, not the private person,
which is why the local courts handled local thefts, local assaults, etc. But when the theft
or the assault involved the gods or the pharaoh, and remember, this village is essentially all
state property, the local court would then conduct the initial investigation with the scribes of the
vizier present. But then, after the initial hearing, where the facts are all brought out,
the case would get kicked up to the vizier, and the vizier takes over the case,
presumably for trial and then for sentencing. We have two cases of theft that involve state
property. They both come from the complaining witness, so this means that now it's going to
go to the vizier's office, it's a big deal, you can't just brush it under the rug or give it back
or pay threefold, whatever it is that you stole, you're in big trouble now. The complaining witness
in both cases was named Neb Knepper. He accused one person of stealing a copper chisel. We have
the abridged version of the prosecution from the village, focusing mainly on the end stage
of the village-level litigation. The accused, a woman, took an oath denying the theft,
but the investigators found the chisel buried beneath her house. Because she had lied under
oath, she was called a great false one worthy of death. The religious perjury being the most
important thing, not the theft itself. If it was just stealing, she would have to give back three
chisels and then probably would have received a beating, but now she's invoked and insulted
the gods. So now she's in big trouble, her case is going up to the vizier. In the second example,
we have a good look into the initial litigation process, the thing that we're missing from the
case involving the woman. Neb Knepper too had to submit an oath in this case, saying that the
accusation of theft of three copper chisels committed by a man was true and that he could
supply witnesses to corroborate it under threat of perjury himself. So it looks like they have
punishments again, because this is essentially slander. You can't be slandering people,
so you better be able to back it up, otherwise you're going to be in trouble. Neb Knepper took
the oath, then the burden shifted to the accused. The accused took an oath saying he did not do it.
The court left off by saying that if it turns out he did do it, like the woman, he would be subject
to some great punishment. The case was then kicked up to the vizier's office for further handling.
So as you can see, even the court in its normal posture is very relaxed when it's dealing with
members of its own community. But when the vizier's scribes were in town, things got much
more formal. You have oaths being taken by both parties during the initial proceedings, the air
is heavier, it's more serious, and just, you know, contrast that with the arbitrary beatings conducted
by the local officials when purely local matters were at issue. That brings us to the last legal
hurrah of the new kingdom, the great tomb robberies. The reason that it's here, even though
there's wide no case, it's because it happened in Deir al-Medina. That's where we get it from.
We're now in the reign of Ramses IX, and the situation at Deir al-Medina had been deteriorating
for decades. So during the reign of Ramses VI, about half of the village was laid off,
they were fired and dispersed. You still have Libyan tribes coming in surrounding the
area, surrounding the Valley of the Kings, and they interrupt work, they force workers to
run out of the village and seek protection in nearby Thebes or Luxor. Those who continued
to work there despite the layoffs and despite the interruptions by invaders, they were often
not paid on time or adequately. The result is that those who were tasked with building the tombs
resorted to theft. Now, not everybody participated, this didn't become a pirate community or anything,
but enough of them did, and enough of them were caught so as to generate a corpus of transcripts
detailing their prosecutions. In total, they're called the great tomb robberies.
During the reign of Ramses IX, the mayor of Thebes believed that several royal tombs
had been looted by the Deir al-Medina workers, something that had again been going on for years,
but on a small scale. You know, you steal one thing, you don't crack the tomb open and steal
all the gold, it's too noticeable. And it makes sense, because these are the people who built
the tombs. They know the layout of the valley the best because they built it, they know where
the stairs are hidden, they know where the entrance is. This is the same thing that I was
talking about before that happened with the pyramids. The workers who built them eventually
waited, you know, they waited for the guards to look the other way or waited for Egyptian society
to collapse, and then they would show back up and steal everything. So the mayor has a hunch that
these Deir al-Medina workers have been stealing things out of the Valley of the Queens, not the
Valley of the Kings, this is the Valley of the Queens. When he shows up to inspect the tombs,
they all turn out to be sealed and intact. The Deir al-Medina workers now, vindicated,
walked to the mayor's house across the river in Thebes and threw a party outside of it to rub
his defeat in his face. Less than a year later though, maybe six months, the Deir al-Medina
workers had attacked the very same tombs in the Valley of the Queens. Is it possible that the
mayor acted prematurely and had merely gotten insider information about their intent to rob
the Valley of the Queens? Maybe he was just too early, maybe he misheard it. That's what it looks
like to me. Or maybe the Deir al-Medina workers thought that the mayor was discredited and that
nobody would ever believe him after his prior embarrassment. Whatever the case though, this time
the Royal Queens tombs were found smashed and open upon inspection by the government authorities.
The workers responsible were interrogated and at least one of them, this is always how it works,
you know, even RICO prosecutions to this day, low-level gang prosecutions on like a county level,
one of them squealed like a pig and exposed the entire planning process and everybody else
involved. So time goes on, those people got prosecuted, they got in trouble, probably got
killed, but the economic problems still aren't letting up. Egypt is still declining, policing is
becoming more lax, you still have foreign invaders. The workers at Deir al-Medina become absolutely
freaking brazen and transform petty looting into a full-on criminal enterprise. Now they start
attacking the Valley of the Kings, not just the Valley of the Queens, and in one instance looted
the tomb of Ramses VI in a sort of poetic retribution for laying off half of their predecessors.
To cover their tracks, they snuffed out the weakest co-conspirator, a child, to stop him from
telling on them. We found that out later. So these people who robbed Ramses VI's tomb got caught,
again one of them probably squealed like a pig, and once the other people were interrogated,
they said, yes, you know, we had a little kid with us, we were afraid that he was going
to tell on us, and so we killed him. After those robberies, the Ramesses essentially lose control
over the necropolis, looting is rampant, several of the tombs are noted to have graffiti in them
by the time of Ramses IX, it's just a mess. And again, if the looters were caught, they would be
punished one by one, but those who did not participate or who didn't get caught were tasked,
likely under military supervision, to rebury the pharaohs into these massive caches, these tombs
containing tens of sarcophagi, to hide them from future looters. So when you read the history books
and you hear that there's, you know, 15 pharaohs in one tomb, and you're wondering how that is,
who did that? It was the Deir el-Medina workers to hide them from other Deir el-Medina workers.
Some of these caches were very successful because most of the mummies that we have today from the
Valley of the Kings were reburied by these workers. So that was the time of Ramses IX,
you go on to Ramses X and Ramses XI, Bronze Age Egypt at this point is essentially doing
a death rattle, there's not much left, it's collapsing. So let's talk about now where we've
and how we ended up here. I submit to you that from a religious jurisprudential perspective,
the Egyptian legal system lost what made it great after the time of Akhenaten. The Trebonian of
Egypt, Rekhmire, was the last great legal mind in the country. His vision, which was the product
of some 2,000 years of divinely inspired jurisprudence centered on Ma'at, was cut short
by the heretic pharaoh's abandonment of the old religion. Horemheb, a benevolent dictator trying
desperately to salvage old Egyptian ways through a powerful cult of personality and with some
military swagger, resorted to pragmatic legislation as a necessity in the place of
religious legal principles. The re-ascendant hereditary priesthood of Amun never allowed the
religious legal philosophy to return to its original state and instead supplanted the
worship of Ma'at with its own for purely political reasons. Subsequent pharaohs,
who were plagued with invasions, famine, and other issues, simply had no time to dedicate
to judicial philosophy, only to prosecuting the most grievous crimes and maintaining some
severance of law and order. The result? I think it's Deir el-Medina. You have laxity,
legal reluctance, impotence, the use of oracles, and really a total collapse of law and order.
For all we know, the judges and the magistrates who were controlling the oracle deciding the
By this point, the magic of law is dead, and with it died Bronze Age Egypt. I don't think
the descent is all that dark though, because in the absence of strong laws, you have the
rise of a very intriguing set of non-legal writings. So in the place of law and order,
people began to write about idealism and self-policing, how a person should act in a world
where wrong will be done to them inevitably and when the future, in the midst of a total global
collapse, is uncertain. And these new writings sound like this. Do not be afraid of tomorrow,
because today is in the hands of God. Do not disrespect your mother. Do not boast of property
which is not yours. Do not ignore your neighbors when they are in need. Do not be boastful. Do not
straighten what is crooked. There are plenty more similar examples and I encourage you to read them
because I believe that this emerging personal Egyptian philosophy, one of internal justice and
internal salvation, is the sort of writing that carried the Egyptian people from the Bronze Age
into the Iron Age, and perhaps some of those very same phrases served as inspiration for
another people situated on the geographic fringe of a decaying Egyptian empire. Is this the origin
of the Ten Commandments and a new order of religious law? I think so. Thank you for watching.
