The Nobel Peace Prize Committee has come under fire for failing to intervene after one of its laureates Dr Muhammad Yunus presided over growing levels of Islamism during his time in office in Bangladesh. Fears are mounting the country, which sends thousands of migrants to Britain and Europe each year, is rapidly Islamising and Christians and Hindus find themselves under constant attack.
Eleven active Islamist groups are believed to be operating in the country, and churches, temples, businesses and homes have become targets for Islamic terror.
The Nobel Peace Prize Committee has not responded to requests for them to consider whether Yunus' Peace Prize should be reconsidered.
Many Yunus supporters argue his control over the state has been weak, and a mass escape of Islamists from prison, coupled with rising levels of political Islam, are not down to the Nobel laureate.
This discussion analyzes the surge of Islamic radicalism in Bangladesh following the removal of Sheikh Hasina's government, criticizing Muhammad Yunus for failing to protect religious minorities. The speaker connects this instability to a broader global struggle against jihadist ideology and advocates for a return to classical liberalism and national sovereignty within Europe.
The Nobel Committee is under fire because, as you say, someone who holds a Nobel Peace Prize
has presided over a government in Bangladesh which has seen a rise in Islamism. If I just go through
a couple of the incidents that we've seen, just so our audience can have a picture, and then I'll
ask you exactly what's been going on. So we've seen a big terror attack which resulted in 26
civilian deaths of Hindus and Christians. We've seen jihadis released from prison.
We've seen public beatings of Christians and looting of their homes and businesses.
Give us a little bit of an overview of how this has happened.
Well, as you know, Bangladesh gained its independence in 1971 and the father of the
nation Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his party, the Awami League, had a vision of Bangladesh as a
secular kind of socialist country to build prosperity and freedom for all its currently
178 million beautiful people today. So from that time and until today, it's worth mentioning
that the Pakistani army had already, at that civil war, ordered to kill as many Hindus as
possible. There was a great slaughter of Hindus. So it goes all the back to the independence of
India from establishment to Pakistan, this struggle between Islam as a dominating force
and the minorities or the Hindus, which are in majority in India, of course. So I just want to
put that on the ground that we have that background. So if we start in 24, in August 24,
the legitimate government of Sheikh Hasina, which was then leader of the Awami League,
she was oosted through a civilian disorder, student uprising, etc. She fled to
India. And my concern is not particularly right into that issue, but also that what happened was
that a Nobel Peace laureate became the caretaker prime minister up to 26. And immediately we saw
an incursion in atrocities and violence against minorities, specifically
Hindus. I would say specifically it was targeted at Hindus, but also Christian,
but also minorities in the Chittagong Hill areas on the eastern Bangladesh on the borders to
Burma. So I've been working with an international team. We've collected a lot of testimonies. I
talk to a lot of people. There's also open, like you have referred to, open sources that comes out,
but not enough because I don't think the Nobel Committee is taking seriously that I would assume
that if you receive a Nobel Peace Prize, it's not only for the past, but there are also expectations
for how you conduct yourselves in the future. And I would think and I would hope and I have
great respect for Muhammad Yunus for what he's been doing through Grameen Bank and his vision.
I truly believe he had a vision to bring people out of poverty. But what we now see is that he
has been overseeing and I would say facilitating a rise in Islamic radicalism in Bangladesh. We see
now videos coming out of the countries with motorcycle, you know, corteges with ISIS flags.
I just heard a most terrible testimony of rape, burning of houses, families, places of worship.
They are cracking that they are actually destroying also Bengali cultural heritage sites.
You know, like the Taliban blew up the statues in Afghanistan, like they erased the history,
you know. And also I would say that Bangladesh is a beautiful country, but it's a populated
country, 178 million people. And if the international community allows ISIS that has been
and this Jamaat and all of these radical Islamic sects, if they are allowed to take 178 million
people hostage, if they are allowed to radicalize a big group of people, and it is going to look
dangerous way out of Bangladesh, because we are in a global struggle with jihad. You know,
we have to stop thinking that these terror incidents are unconnected. There's a terror
incident there. There's a terror incident. This is a global ideology, whether it's Boko Haram in
Nigeria, or it's in Iraq or Syria against minority groups there or wherever it is in the world. This
is a global ideology. And we have to connect these dots. And we have to keep people accountable.
And we had an election in Bangladesh now, where the Awami League was outlawed and the extremist
party Jamaat was allowed to run. So there's a democratic imbalance in Bangladesh that I think
the courts in Bangladesh have to address. But what we see out of this is a radicalization,
an Islamization of jihadist, hateful ideology that is now hurting the Bengali people.
And I think it will spill over eventually.
Yeah, I mean, you said there that you feel as though his government has facilitated this rise
in Islamism. Could it not be? I mean, they say that they haven't been able to achieve what they
promised, which was, you know, free and fair Bangladesh for everyone, because they weren't
able to cement their power. And they had a lot of opposition within the state. There are elements
there which can kind of prove that maybe they did have an intention of protecting people like
Hindus generally become a target of the Islamists during their religious festivals,
and there was extra security put on. That's not denying the fact that Islamism has massively
risen during his time in power. But how do you know that they're facilitating it rather than
actually they just don't have the power to clamp down on it?
Because it came after the change of government. The Awami League government had detained Islamist
terrorist leaders. They had banned Islamist groups and networks. So the government that
was oosted had already much more control. It didn't happen. I mean, it's not an easy place.
But you cannot say that you take over from a legitimate government that is oosted by
uprisings that had control. They have stormed jails, set people free. Why did they allow Jamaat
to run for elections? So this doesn't make sense. And another thing is that the Bangladesh army is
a very, very impressive army. They have served in international operations. I myself was in
Bosnia as an officer right after the Bangladesh army served the people, local people. They were
so happy with the way they conducted themselves. They have the power if they want to. But this is
a very classic apology to say we can't do it. Well, you can do it. You have the power to do it.
The Awami League had a power to do it. And you can ask for international help to do it if you
don't have. But you cannot sit as a Nobel Peace Laureate and oversee a government that makes
apologies to atrocities happening on your watch. That is not acceptable. And I think the Nobel
Peace Committee has to make comments and look into this. Yeah, I mean, they now have what 11
active jihadi groups in the country. I mean, I suppose there's not really much of an excuse for
that. You have written to the Nobel Committee. What is it you're asking of them? Do you want
No, I haven't. I haven't said that. But I have said that the documentation of the atrocities
and the violence that has been happening after he came in as a caretaker prime minister of
the government is so disturbing that the committee is one of the actors that has
to look into what is happening. And they have to they gave him the Nobel Peace Prize.
They have to make a judgment of whether he's still worthy of that prize. And if he has not
done enough, he has been overseen because the fact is that Bangladesh, as we speak,
is being radicalized by radical Islam. That is a fact. And it happened on UNICEF's watch.
And this has to be this has to be clarified. And I would I would assume that UN and other groups
also need to go because it's very, very dangerous. If 180 million people get radicalized
to radical Islam, that is a global danger. And most of all, it is the beautiful people
of Bangladesh that will suffer. They suffered in Iraq and Syria under ISIS. They suffer under
Al-Qaeda. They suffer under Hezbollah. They suffer under Hamas. They suffer under Boko Haram.
They have nothing to give but suffering. And we cannot let 180 million people
just slide into suffering under such an ideology. Yeah, I mean, Open Doors is now saying that
Bangladesh is one of the most difficult countries in the world to be a Christian. And there's an
interest for us in the West here where we have a lot of Bangladeshi migrants in the UK. I'm not so
sure about your country, Norway. So it matters the kind of ideology that's being inculcated
into the population. Have the Nobel Committee spoken out at all if they said anything,
if they said that they've got concerns? They have not recognized that. I haven't
even responded to my letter since you wrote to them. I've heard nothing from them. I've called
a few of them and it goes in circle. So I think that is the international pressure.
There's a certain arrogance in Norway right now in the political elite. And I think that
international media is good for the whole world. You know, sometimes we need to be looked at the
cards from the outside. And I think that international media on this thing, sometimes
we think we are really perfect ourselves and everybody else we can point to. But I think
that international media needs to challenge the Nobel Committee to give an answer. How do you look
at the radicalization in Bangladesh? How do you look at the suffering of the Hindus and Christians
and minorities? And what is the responsibilities of Muhammad Yunus? And it's not
acceptable to get a telephone call and say, oh, I can't do anything with it. Well, Awami League could.
So give back the government to Awami League then. But I'm not political, whether the
Bangladeshi people can elect whoever they want for me. But I know that under the Awami League, this
was under control. Then comes Yunus and it spins out of control. Then we get an election where Awami
League is banned and Jamaat that was banned by Awami League is legalized in the elections.
You get a BNP Jamaat government and it continues to escalate. This is the reality and they have
to answer this. And I just want to point out to you that this is already I was in London
just a few weeks ago. I grew up in Bangladesh. Bangladesh is my second country. I'm concerned
about this because I love the people. I have friends there. And I talk to people that is
suffering right now because of this. So it's we have to have concern for each other. But in London
already now, this is splitting the Bengal Bangladesh society, immigrant society,
because there are radical elements in London and UK, as I am sure that every UK citizens now
understands that this immigration that we have seen to Europe the last 30 years uncontrolled
has brought with it elements that are as dangerous in our societies as they are from where they come
from. And I this is not color of the skin. We have to get back this behind these ridiculous
notions that it has to do with color of skin. I talk with Bengali friends in London that moves
out of London because of the radicalization of Islamic groups in London. They can't live there,
whether they actually are Muslims or non-Muslims. There are many beautiful Muslims that don't want
this radicalization. And we need to come to a point in Europe where we address these issues
for what they are. Do you think that the silence speaks to the West's blindness to the threat of
Islamism? It speaks to the West's cowardice. And I think the West has been been cowardized. But I
also think that there is a there's a political just look at the grooming gangs in the UK.
It's incredible. It's the greatest scandal. It's the greatest I would say since the Second World
War. It's the greatest scandal of any collaborate political media, police, social groups that
actually has allowed these these things to go on. And when you cover up atrocities against your own
people, not to stir up an opinion against immigration, because that is what it is.
We cover up atrocities done by immigrants because we don't want the popular vote to go against
immigration. This is a responsibility on the politicians and the media people in the West
that will never be erased as their biggest shame. But I think that we need it's we need
whether you are regardless of the color of your skin, regardless of your religion, even
jihadist is Islamist ideology is an evil to everyone. And we need to take this seriously
now. And right now, for me, Bangladesh is a battle zone. And I think that if Muhammad Yunus
really does want to combat these things, he can ask for help. It does not help to say,
oh, we couldn't do it. Well, Awami League had a better control on this than you, my friend.
So I think the Nobel Committee has to write, ask question, ask the right questions. I think the UN
has to come on board. I think UK should come on board. Where is the UK government? You have a lot
of Bangladeshis in the UK and it matters to the Bangladeshi society. It splits the Bangladeshi
society in the UK. You have radical Bangladeshi Islamists in the UK. You have very beautiful
Muslim Bangladeshis in the UK that share this suffering as as we do. So let's get away with
everything else and look at radical ideology that creates suffering and let's combat it together.
And right now, Bangladesh is the focus. Yeah. And just finally, a little bit about you.
You know, you've spoken about your love for Bangladesh, your respect for its people and
your connections with Bangladeshis around the world. Yet you lead a right wing party in Norway.
So you're not the typical, you know, first thing that they probably do is try and typify you as
racist. But it's quite clear in this conversation that you're not. Tell me a little bit about your
position in Norway, what you're calling for, what you know, what your policies are.
You know, well, I used to say when I was a teenager in the 80s, I was a member of the
youth wing of the Conservative Party, which I don't know to the Tories. And I said, I never,
I never changed. I didn't move. I didn't leave. I didn't leave the Conservative Party. They left me.
You know what they call radical right today is it's totally irrelevant. Well, you tell me,
let me tell you what I stand for. And if you call me any label, I'm fine with it.
You know, if secure borders, if cheap energy, if control on immigration, if a strong defense
system, if Christian values, family values, if all of this is extreme right, then you have become
really extreme Marxist in your worldview. You know, and I think that it doesn't I think that
the only solution for Europe coming up is actually the right wing parties. And I'm sad to say that.
But pay attention to the Labour Party in Denmark. The Labour Party in Denmark is now on a political
line that was characterized as radical rights 20 years ago. So I think sanity is coming back to
the center and hopefully a little bit out on the left in Europe, because you're pretty,
you're pretty drunk on Marxist ideology if you don't see the problems facing Europe today as a
direct consequence. I think the green climate Marxism, it's destroying European economy.
The regulations that the EU, whoever who voted for Ursula von der Leyen. Why should I go into
the U.S.? God bless you for Brexit. Who voted for Ursula? And this is Pallas from the Baltics.
Who voted her to be a foreign policy minister for Europe? Nobody. We didn't. And we don't,
we don't like the tyrannical direction that the EU. I have a lot of friends in Hungary.
I have a lot of, I was a missionary in Bulgaria 30 years ago. I have friends in Poland. These people
came out of the Soviet Union and they feel the atmosphere coming from Brussels today that they
left in the Soviet Union. Don't give me that right wing crap. You know, let's go back to sanity.
Let's say that, let's go back to John Locke and classic liberalism. We're all created equal
in the face of image of God. That's where revolution, the positive capitalist revolution
started in Europe of freedom. So let's, let's, let's keep it there. Let's give freedom to,
to white, white young girls in England. So they are not groomed. Let us give freedom
to young immigrant women in Oslo that are not free to live their life because of the structure that
they brought with them from where they came. Let us give freedom to everybody and let us build
nation States of Europe and you will see Europe will rise again. And then we can be
an international strength for suffering people like in Bangladesh. It's intriguing that you
mentioned the left in Denmark, because in my view, the reason that the left are losing power
is principally because of immigration. And you would have thought the most important thing to
them would have been to remain in power. And it almost seems like the pinnacle of what's
important to them is this immigration. Why can't they just give it up? You know,
they're losing everything because of their, you know, commitment to it.
No, but look, look at the, look at the labor parties across the radical left around. They are,
they are, they need the votes of the immigrants. I mean, if you take away all the, I mean,
here in Norway, I have a big network of, I grew up internationally. I grew up in Bangladesh,
Kurdish friends, Persian friends, Bengali friends, you know, all of them. So they
naturally have gone to voting on the labor left side because they thought they were giving them
the most stuff. And now they realize that maybe if you want to live in the freedom that the West
can offer, then maybe you have to go over to the right side. So the biggest, the right side
parties are attracting immigrant votes like never before in Norway and in Europe, because just
because you come from another place, it doesn't mean that you want all the bad things that you
left to come after you. When we have Iranian Norwegians that are closer to me than many
ethnical Norwegian, when it comes to understanding of freedom, because people that has come out of
tyranny, whether it is communist or Islamist, they understand when liberty and freedom are
threatened. And that's what they feel right now in Europe. So they are, we will, they are on our
side. We are on the common side of liberty and freedom. And they want to put down, they want
to stop this mass migration, uncontrolled mass migration. And we need to start re-immigration.
If you come to Europe and you want a total different civilization to implement Sharia
and you support these radical Islamists, you've got no business in Europe at all.
And that's what we have to get much more tougher and fight for our values. It's our core existence.
And right now that battle is in Bangladesh.