Minnesotans read Declaration of Independence

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1 Video View·Jul 9, 2026
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AI GeneratedThis presentation commemorates the 250th anniversary of the first public reading of the Declaration of Independence. It examines the document's historical context, its inherent contradictions and flaws, and its enduring role as a foundation for American aspirations, concluding with a full reading of the text and a reflection on the sacrifices made by the signers.
Saturday was July 4th, Independence Day, which is when this country commemorates the adoption
of the Declaration of Independence. In it, 13 North American British colonies announced
their separation from Great Britain. Today marks 250 years since the first public reading of the
on July 8th, 1776. What follows is a long list of grievances and charges against King George III.
The Declaration was written largely by Thomas Jefferson and edited by the Continental Congress.
Among the edits, the Congress deletes a reference to, quote, Scotch and foreign mercenaries.
Turns out they were members of Congress who were of Scottish descent. To win support from
Southerners, the Congress removed criticism of the African slave trade. But a racist
slur against Native Americans stayed. You're going to hear those words today.
The Declaration is a document with flaws and deeply ingrained hypocrisies. It is also
laying the foundation for our collective aspirations,
our hopes for what this country could be. So in that spirit, here again is the Declaration
of Independence. I'll now welcome the first readers. When in the course of human events,
it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them
with another and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which
the laws of nature and of nature's God entitled them. A decent respect to the opinions of mankind
requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold
these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their
creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness, that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men deriving
their just powers from the consent of the governed, that whenever any form of government
becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it and to
institute new government laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in
such form as to them shall seem most likely to affect their safety and happiness. Prudence
indeed will dictate that government long established should not be changed for light
and transient causes and accordingly all experience have shown that mankind are more
disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms
to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpation
pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them on their absolute
despotism, it is their right, it is their duty to throw off such government and to provide
new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies
and now such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former
systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated
injuries and usurpations all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny
over these states. To prove this let facts be submitted to a candid world. He has refused to
pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people unless those people would
relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and
formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual,
uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records
for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved
representative houses repeatedly for opposing with manly firmness his invasions of the rights
of the people. He has he has refused for a long time after such dissolutions to cause others to
be elected whereby the legislative powers incapable of annihilation have returned to the people at
large for their exercise the state remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion
from without and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these
states for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners refusing to pass
others to encourage their migrations hither and raising the conditions of new appropriations of
lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his absence his assent to laws
for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure
of their offices and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new
offices and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.
He has effected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power. He has combined
with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution and unacknowledged
by our laws giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation. For quartering large bodies
of armed troops among us for protecting them by mock trial from punishment for any murders
which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states. For cutting off our trade with all
parts of the world. For imposing taxes on us without our consent. For depriving us in many
cases of the benefits of trial by jury. For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for
pretended offenses. For abolishing the free system of English law in neighboring province
established in their in an arbitrary government and enlarging the boundaries so as to render it
once an example and a fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these
colonies. For taking away our charters abolishing our most valuable laws and altering fundamentally
the forms of our governments. For suspending our own legislatures and declaring themselves
invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here
by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas,
ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time
transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, dissolution,
tyranny already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the
most barbarous ages and totally unworthy of the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained
our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country to become
the executioners of their friends and brethren or to fall themselves by their hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants
of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished
destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions we have
petitioned for redress in most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been answered only
by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant
is unfit to be the ruler of a free people nor have we been wanting in attention to our
British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature
to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our
immigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity. We have
conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disvow these usurpations which would inevitably
interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice
and consanguinity. We must therefore acquiescence in the necessity which denounces our separation
and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind enemies in war in peace friends. We therefore
the representatives of the United States of America in general congress assembled appealing
to the supreme judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions do in the name and by the
authority of the good people of these colonies solemnly publish and declare that these united
colonies are and of right ought to be free and independent states. That they are absolved from
allegiance to the British crown and that all political connection between them and the state
of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved. And that as free and independent
states they have full power to levy war conclude peace contract alliances establish commerce and
to do all other acts and things which independent states may have right do. And for the support of
declaration with firm reliance on the protection of divine providence we mutually pledge to each
other our lives our fortunes and our sacred honor. On July 4th 1776 56 men affixed their names to the
to the declaration of independence pledging their lives fortunes and sacred honors to the cause of
American liberty. This act of defiance against British rule was a bold gamble carrying the weight
of treason and the promise of uncertain futures. Five were captured by the British many suffered
severe financial losses and saw their homes burned and looted. There was a cost for their patriotism.
250 years ago this Sunday church bells rang out over Philadelphia as the continental congress
adopted this draft of the declaration of independence. In a few minutes our own
cathedral of Saint Paul bells will ring commemorating these 250 years. Thank you all
for sharing this historic moment with one another.
