Madeline Summerville, a national trial attorney and a former Democratic Party speech writer, and John Jordan, an economist and Republican strategist, joined a panel discussion with NTD's Steve Lance to discuss President Donald Trump's warning to Iran that “time is running out” to negotiate a deal on its nuclear program, with a “massive armada” moving toward the Persian Gulf.
The panel discussed a new Politico poll showing that the majority of Trump voters support the United States using military force abroad, how a regime change in Iran would affect Russia and China, and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio saying on Wednesday that the end goal in Venezuela is a democratic transition. -- 📺 Watch NTD News 24/7 on cable, broadcast, and streaming: https://www.ntd.com/watch
President Trump today saying massive a massive armada is moving toward Iran larger than the
one that was sent to the Caribbean with Venezuela. Trump also pushing Iran to make a nuclear deal
warning the next attack on that country will be far worse. Joining me now to discuss these
developments is our panel Madeline Somerville national trial attorney and former democratic
speech writer and John Jordan economist and republican strategist. It's great to have you
guys both with us. So President Trump warning Iran that, quote, time is running out and to
negotiate a deal on its nuclear program to submit large scale protests in Iran by, you know, the
Iranian people taking to the streets. Trump is saying, you know, as I laid out, the massive
armada is making its way over to the Persian Gulf. So is moving, you know, toward Iran with this
massive fleet, you know, a telling sign. And Madeline, how do you assess the situation right
now? What level of pressure should the United States be applying to Iran? I think that the
United States involvement with Iran in terms of the language that we've been using lately
is very interesting because of the issues with protests that we're having in our own country.
I think that the president here understands that he can't support protesters over there in Iran
and not here in the United States. But I actually have sort of an interesting take
on this issue. So you're equating the protesters in Iran to the ones in the United States?
No, I'm saying that his rhetoric, as it pertains to the protesters in the United States, I think
he understands that he can't have a negative perspective of them and support the protesters
in Iran at the same time. I think that when it comes to his business interests, right,
what's actually very interesting is that the oil, right, that that was coming from Iran,
and that was coming from Venezuela as well, right, were being transferred back and forth. And this
was all sanctioned oil. This was a pathway that was being used specifically for sanctioned oil.
If he takes over the ports in both of these places, then he controls where the sanctioned oil
is going to be coming from and to and from, which relates to China and Russia. And so I don't know
if people have really presented it in that way, but it's the truth. And it's something that's
interesting to contemplate. So if he was trying to get in the oil game or prevent that sanctioned
oil from being transferred, then that's something to consider. John, what's your take? And is the
current level of US support and posture toward Iran what the vast majority of Americans would
like to see? So I differ with Madeleine. And I don't think that this situation or a lot of
these international situations, you know, fit within the left versus right framework of talking
points against Trump or this other thing. This is a complex situation. Iran is the youngest
population of any OECD country. I mean, more people born after 1979. The current regime is
deeply unpopular. Presumably about 20,000 people died fighting it. It's a brutal, tyrannical
regime. Now, from President Trump's point of view, militarily, I've also been a naval officer
for some time and in the intelligence world, is you have to look at what is the endgame of Iran.
It's a diverse society and it doesn't lend itself to, you know, decapitation in such a neat way,
especially how the Republican Guard, the besieged, all the elites, all are dependent on this
kleptocracy or system of graft there. So President Trump, when he's doing this, it's about more than
just a nuclear deal, especially after promising the help that was on the way to the tens of
millions of Iranians that really don't want the mullahs to stay in power. So you have to look,
what is that endgame? What does it look like? Who replaces the ayatollahs? And what are your
military options for doing it? Now, militarily, President Trump, you know, he could go after
Republican Guard command and control centers. There are a lot of their long range missiles to
defang and remove their ability to go after our military assets in the Middle East and our friends
and allies. But then what does it look like? I think there's a challenge here in that there isn't
a Lech Walesa or a Nelson Mandela type figure that would have broad or very broad popular support to
form a caretaker government. So I think President Trump is being ambiguous here, but I'm interested
to see how they see the endgame. A new political poll, Politico poll,
showing 65 percent of Trump voters support the military force abroad and would back military
action against at least one of the following, Iran, Cuba, Colombia, or China, or perhaps Mexico.
Does that surprise you, Madeline, given that the MAGA and the America First base has often been
less inclined toward foreign war? It does. And as a jury consultant and somebody who works in
polling quite frequently, it certainly matters how the question is asked. And so as it related
to that particular Politico article that you're referencing, where that poll came from,
the question was if they would support interference in any of these countries,
military action in any of these countries. And I think that actually I'm pleased to hear
that people would be more supportive of military action in Iran, not just because the regime is so
unpopular, it's devastating the civilians there, but because I think that they truly are a threat
and that there's been a lot of propaganda that's been in the United States saying otherwise.
That's simply never been true. And so I'm glad to see that people kind of have their,
in my opinion, have their heads screwed on straight in looking at the threat that Iran poses
to the world. I do think that it's a legitimate, it's a legitimate concern there.
Now, I think it's interesting that a few of the other countries that were included in the survey,
we had Mexico. When you're comparing interference in countries like Venezuela to Mexico, you might
say, well, it would make more sense because the fentanyl and cocaine and different drugs that
come into the United States that are affecting our population come more so from Mexico than they do
from Venezuela. So it makes sense to have some sort of intervention there before it would elsewhere,
which kind of relates me back to my last point, which was, it seems like all of this is related
to the issue of oil, right? Because that is the relationship between the countries of Venezuela
and Iran temporally with our involvement with them and also as it pertains to oil with Russia and
China. So I am surprised because I know that people didn't want to get involved in the forever wars,
just like we did in the past. I know I'm quite familiar with the Iran-Contra affair and what
with Jimmy Carter and our involvement with the ISIL event. So I am interested to see,
just like John said, how it's going to turn out. John, oftentimes when we hear American war and
oil, people's minds default to, you know, like it's an oil grab for greed. But talk to us about
the national security elements, as Madeline pointed out, when it comes to the geopolitical
implications of Iranian oil supporting Russia, China, you know, arguably our two greatest
adversaries, certainly China. Well, we live in a hyper-connected world where economics is one
domain of conflict, right? So Iran is very important to Russia, a supplier of drones,
a supplier of bad behavior to keep the West and the United States diverted. Were Iran to fall,
obviously it would put enormous downward pressure on oil prices, which would cripple the Russian
economy. I'm a Russian speaker, and I've worked a long time on Russian affairs. The worst thing
you can do to the Russians is bring the price of oil down. That's what President Trump has done,
from $81 to about $63 today, $50-something last week. So you do that, it's connected to the
Ukraine war, and to say it put a hole in the Russian drum is an understatement of epic
proportions. So that is very important. More to the point, you diminish China's influence
throughout that region. And China depends on the Middle East, about 90% of its oil,
and benefits from a discounted, because it's sanctioned, Iranian oil. So you do this,
you bring freedom and prosperity somehow, or create the circumstances where the Iranian people,
which is the way to do this, to rid themselves of the mullahs, you have crippled the Russian economy,
and you put China in a particularly precarious situation because they don't have sources of oil
really domestically at all, and they have to transport oil from the Middle East, which
could become a US-friendly lake of sorts in the Persian Gulf, all the way across the Indian Ocean
to their Pacific seaports, which is a strategic problem for China, which may end up causing the
Chinese to look north into Siberia, believe it or not. So that's where you want to be really
too careful about is it disintegrated Russia really in our interest, because the result,
it could end up being a Chinese resource colony. So there's a lot of twists and turns here,
but a changed regime in Tehran changes the equation for China and cripples Russia.
I would 100% agree with that analysis. And I also agree that it's not a left or right thing,
because that's just the truth, everything that you just said. And I think it's even,
you've heard me criticize President Trump so many times, right? But this is kind of a brilliant
move here. Okay, we'll archive that one, Madeline. Lastly, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said today
that the end goal in Venezuela is a democratic transition. I think we have a soundbite of that.
Our goal is to rope all of this illegal oil into a channel that goes into this account that
ultimately goes to the benefit of the Venezuelan people. This is an interim step. This is not the
way we want the oil industry to look like in perpetuity. This is simply a way to provide
revenue so that there isn't systemic collapse while we work through this recovery and transition phases.
So Madeline, do you think the broader media coverage has been fair and how it has portrayed
the administration's actions in Venezuela? I don't. And that's not something that makes
me very popular amongst my liberal friends. But I have to call balls and strikes. And when you
look at the bigger picture here, and the fact that we're talking about sanctioned oil, right,
and that we're talking about our adversaries, if we are able to both rid the Venezuelan people of
a dictator and get the people of Iran a more safe environment to be able to grow and prosper,
and at the same time, right, be able to create benefits for the United States,
then, yeah, it absolutely makes sense. Now, do I agree with the way things are always done? No.
Do I agree with the messaging that's being given to the American people about it? No, on either
side, right? I think that it would be fair for journalists to look at the big picture, like I am,
and to try, and like my friend John here, and to try to present to the American people, look,
this is a benefit on a large scale. He's playing chess, not checkers here. And I understand that
also, you know, we need to be using the proper channels to be able to communicate with other
countries and respect human rights. It's difficult. This is a difficult situation. I'm not
trying to criticize in a situation that I know nothing about, in terms of extracting a ruler
from another country and bringing them to your own. But I think that overall, the media coverage
not only hasn't been fair, it's been slightly inaccurate in not painting the whole picture.
And to your point just there, Madeline, John, the, you know, not all autocrats or autocracies
are created equal, as crazy as that sounds. But the situation in Venezuela is actually
different than the one in Cuba. And it's totally different from what we see in Iran,
in the Middle East and elsewhere around the world. So when it comes to Venezuela,
one thing I often hear from folks from Venezuela, dissidents in the sort,
is that it wasn't too long ago, it's still within many of the folks that live there's
memory, what it was like to live in a prosperous, open society. So what do you think the president,
our president in this administration want for Venezuela? And how realistic do you think it's
back to them, that it is for the Venezuelan people to get back to that golden age that
was only a few decades back? Well, it's a process. And this is step one. Maduro,
he was an indicted, an indicted drug dealer, under indictment in the United States and not
recognized by 50 some odd countries, including all of the European Union. The administration
here unveiled a new model for restoring or promoting democracy and ending malign behavior
by these bad actor countries. The Iraq model, the Bush model was we're going to go in full
occupation. We're going to root out all of your institutions and impose our own at gunpoint.
And then we are going to leave. Here, what the administration did is they removed Maduro.
We have a new regime where we've told them, we know where your Swiss bank accounts are.
If you don't wish to have the same fate as Maduro, you're going to play ball with us.
And you're going to, you're going to end the malign activities. Sooner or later,
under the certainly under the Venezuelan constitution, an election is required,
and they'll be voted out. But what we've done is we're doing it by remote control.
This is analogous to what we did, MacArthur did in 1945 during the occupation of Japan.
Within a few months of the end of the war, we only had a few hundred thousand troops in Japan,
not enough to impose our will militarily should the Japanese have risen up. Instead, we made a
deal when we signed the surrender agreements with the Japanese is the emperor could stay in charge
largely. And we let a lot of these kind of some, a lot of really bad guys in Japan
still basically run things until they were expelled by the body politic as Japanese society
changed. That model worked very, very well, was cheaper and more durable because it wasn't,
it wasn't strict. It wasn't a, it wasn't gunpoint democracy like we, like the Bushes tried.
So this is interesting, but it's going to take a little process,
take some time, just like it did in Japan from 1945 into the 50s.
John Jordan, Madeline Somerville, really appreciate both of you coming on. Thank you.