History of Ancient Egypt: Dynasty XXX: The Last True Egyptian Pharaohs

What Was The Life
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2 Video Views·Oct 10, 2025
This is going to be a bittersweet chapter, but nevertheless an exciting one. In the long and
storied history of ancient Egypt, the 30th dynasty represents the final, defiant flourishing of
native pharaonic rule. Lasting from 380 to 343 BC, just 38 years, this brief period was vibrant and
consequential, a kind of last stand in which a 3000 year old civilization struggled to preserve
its identity against a changing world. It was not a slow, quiet decline, but a spirited
resurgence marked by a cultural renaissance and an unrelenting existential contest with
the colossal power of the Achaemenid Persian Empire. The dynasty's rise was born of a hard-won
but fragile freedom. In 404 BC, a rebellion had expelled the Persian occupiers who had dominated
Egypt for nearly two centuries. Yet, this independence was never accepted by the Persian
court, which continued to view Egypt not as a sovereign state, but as a rebellious province
to be brought back into the imperial fold. That looming reality cast a long shadow over the
preceding dynasties, which were marked by internal instability and short-lived reigns.
The founder of this last native dynasty was not a royal heir, but a pragmatic and capable
military commander from Senebentos named Naktnebif, better known by his Greek name, Nektenebo.
In 380 BC, Nektenebo seized power from the last, ineffective ruler of the 29th dynasty,
possibly with the help of the Athenian general Shabrias. Nektenebo immediately set about
legitimizing his rule, holding coronations in the ancient religious and political centers
of Sice and Memphis. He publicly dismissed his predecessors as inept,
presenting his own reign as a necessary restoration of order and competence.
In 373 BC, the stability of this new regime was put to the test. Artaxerxes II launched a
massive invasion to reclaim Egypt, with a force reportedly numbering 200,000 soldiers
led by the Persian satrap Farnabazus and the respected Greek general Iphicrates.
That number is highly suspect, and the exact number of troops sent isn't known, but given
the money and manpower at the great king of Persia's disposal, it would have been a sizable
force. The Achaemenids weren't messing around. Nektenebo's strategy was to fortify the entry
points of the eastern Nile delta. The Persian invasion ground to a halt at the fortress of
Pelusium, its fate sealed by two forces that had saved Egypt time and again, discord among the
enemy commanders and the power of the Nile itself. A bitter dispute erupted between the Persian and
Greek generals, while the annual inundation arrived just in time, transforming the battlefield
into an impassable swamp. The once mighty Persian army was forced into a humiliating retreat.
This resounding victory secured Nektenebo's throne and granted Egypt nearly a decade of
peace, paving the way for one of the most ambitious building programs of the late period.
Though his recent military victory had strengthened his position, Nektenebo remained
a usurper and needed to secure his legitimacy by demonstrating piety to the gods in front of
both his people and the priesthood. To this end, he launched a temple building and restoration
program on a scale unseen since the glory days of the new kingdom. By restoring and expanding
the temple of the gods, he affirmed his role as their chosen agent on earth, and by reviving the
artistic styles of Egypt's glorious past, he projected a powerful message of national renewal.
His architectural legacy was vast, stretching from the delta to Egypt's southern border.
He began the elegant temple of Isis on the island of Philae, initiated work on the massive first
pylon at Karnak, and renovated the grand processional way linking Karnak with the Luxor
temple. This sacred avenue, over two kilometers long, was lined with more than a thousand
human-headed sphinxes. One inscription proudly proclaims,
He built a beautiful road for his father Amun, bordered by walls, planted with trees,
and decorated with flowers. Nektenebo's building projects can be found across Egypt,
from Dendera to Heliopolis and Memphis. To fund these works and secure the loyalty
of the powerful priesthood, he was exceptionally generous.
One document from his reign, the Decree of Naukratis, mandated that a 10% tax on all
imports and local production in the Greek trading city of Naukratis be dedicated to
the temple of the god Neith at Sais. This was a masterstroke of policy, enriching an
influential temple while giving the priesthood a direct financial stake in the success of
his reign. Mindful of Egypt's past instability, Nektenebo took steps to ensure a smooth succession.
Around 365 BC, he appointed his son, Jejher, better known as Teios, as co-regent.
The plan worked. When Nektenebo died peacefully in 362 BC, Teios assumed the throne without
conflict. The reign of Teios, however, stood in sharp contrast to that of his father.
Where Nektenebo had been a cautious defender, Teios was an ambitious aggressor. He inherited
a secure and prosperous kingdom, and saw an opportunity to carry the fight into Persian
territory. At the time, the Achaemenid Empire was weakened by what became known as the Great
Satraps Revolt, a series of uprisings in Asia Minor. Seizing the moment, Teios planned a major
invasion of Persian-held Syria and the Levant. To execute his vision, he hired two of the most
renowned Greek commanders of the era, the Athenian general Shabrias and the legendary
Spartan king Agesilaus II, the latter said to be 84 years old. But this ambitious undertaking
required enormous funding, and it was here that Teios made his fatal mistake.
He imposed heavy new taxes on nearly everything, commodities, buildings, and shipping, and,
in a disastrous move, seized the vast wealth of the Egyptian temples,
shattering the crucial alliance his father had forged with the priesthood. To pay his
mercenaries, Teios oversaw the minting of Egypt's first large-scale coinage, a practical necessity
that further signaled a shift from traditional economic practices, such as barter. Having
alienated both the people and the priests, Teios marched into Phoenicia, leaving his brother,
Tejahem Pimu, as regent in Egypt, which was actually the perfect recipe for a coup.
Tejahem Pimu seized the opportunity, exploiting the widespread discontent,
and urging his own son, Nakt Horhebe, who was serving in the army, to claim the throne.
The decisive factor was the Spartan king Agesilaus, who, slighted by Teios for not granting
him command of the entire army, and perhaps also influenced by his rivalry with the Athenian
general Shabrias, threw his support behind the young pretender. Compounding the crisis,
Teios' unpopular tax policies further eroded his base of support.
Betrayed and abandoned, his reign quickly collapsed. In a supreme irony, the pharaoh,
who had set out to conquer Persia, found his only refuge at the Persian court in Susa.
His brief rule, three years as co-regent with his father, and two when he was fully independent,
proved to be a self-inflicted disaster, and a stark reminder that a pharaoh's authority
rested on the fragile balance of support from both the priesthood and the military.
Thus, in 360 BC, Nakt Horhebe ascended the throne as Nectanebo II.
He would prove to be a capable and energetic ruler, presiding over the final, brilliant
flourishing of Egyptian culture. His reign began precariously, as he was forced to crush
a rival claimant from Mendes with the aid of his Spartan ally, Agesilaus.
Fortunately for Nectanebo, the new Persian king, Artaxerxes III, was preoccupied with
his empire, granting Egypt a vital window of stability in which Nectanebo could consolidate
his power. Like his grandfather, the first Nectanebo, Nectanebo II embarked on an ambitious
building program and enacted reforms to stimulate the economy. His reign became a time of prosperity
and cultural revival, producing some of the finest works of art of the late period,
including a magnificent statue of the god Horus as a falcon sheltering a small figure of the king.
By 351 BC, Artaxerxes III was ready to turn his attention to Egypt. He launched an invasion,
but it ended up in a stunning defeat, which then inspired widespread revolts in Phoenicia,
especially Sidon, and Cyprus. Nectanebo actively supported the rebels,
paying for 4,000 Greek mercenaries to aid the city of Sidon.
The Greek historian Diodorus Siculus, writing centuries later, tells us the following.
Now, since the king's satraps and generals dwelt in the city of the Sidonians and behaved in an
outrageous and high-handed fashion toward the Sidonians in ordering things to be done,
the victims of this treatment, aggrieved by their insolence,
decided to revolt from the Persians. Having persuaded the rest of the Phoenicians to make
a bid for their independence, they sent ambassadors to the Egyptian king, Nectanebos,
who was an enemy of the Persians, and after persuading him to accept them as allies,
they began to make preparations for war. Inasmuch as Sidon was distinguished for its
wealth, and its private citizens had amassed great riches from its shipping, many triremes
were quickly outfitted, and a multitude of mercenaries gathered, and, besides arms, missiles,
food, and all other materials useful in war, were provided with dispatch.
The first hostile act was the cutting down and destroying of the royal park in which the Persian
kings were wont to take their recreation, and the second was the burning of the fodder for horses,
which had been stored up for the war. Last of all, they arrested such Persians as had committed
the acts of insolence and wreaked vengeance upon them. Artaxerxes, being apprised of the rash acts
of the insurgents, issued threatening warnings to all the Phoenicians, and in particular,
to the people of Sidon. For a brief moment, the Egyptian-backed coalition seemed poised to check
Persian power permanently. One thing, though, about Persian kings, they were patient,
and they had vast resources to use against their enemies. Artaxerxes III responded with
brutal determination, and crushed the rebellions of Nectanebo's Phoenician allies. By 343 BC,
he had assembled the full might of his empire for a final, overwhelming invasion of Egypt.
Crucially, he had also secured the loyalty of the brilliant general, Mentor of Rhodes,
who had once served Nectanebo. Mentor's betrayal was a devastating blow,
for he carried with him intimate knowledge of Egypt's defenses.
Nectanebo prepared as best as he could, mustering a large army of native Egyptians,
Libyans, and Greek mercenaries. Yet, the Persians advanced methodically,
breaking through the delta's fortifications one by one. According to Diodorus Siculus,
an early defeat threw Nectanebo into panic. Convinced that the Persians would now force
their way across the Nile in full strength, he abandoned his forward positions and retreated
to Memphis. Diodorus Siculus writes,
On hearing of the loss of his men, Nectanebo was terrified, thinking that the rest of the
Persian army also would easily cross the river. Assuming that the enemy, with their entire army,
would come to the very gates of Memphis, he decided first and foremost to take precautionary
measures to protect the city. Accordingly, he returned to Memphis with the army he had retained,
and began to prepare for the siege. This decision proved to be a psychological catastrophe.
The garrisons in the delta fortresses, believing that their king had abandoned them,
lost morale and surrendered. Recognizing that the war was effectively lost,
Nectanebo gathered his treasures and fled south to Nubia. As Diodorus bluntly records,
King Nectanebos did not dare risk battle. Giving up hope of his kingship, he fled to Ethiopia
with most of his possessions. His flight in 343 BC marked the end of Egypt's 30th dynasty,
and the tragic conclusion to over 3,000 years of native pharaonic rule.
Despite a change at the top of the ruling hierarchy yet again, daily life for the average
Egyptian continued much as before. The economy remained anchored in the fertile agriculture
of the Nile Valley, managed by a centralized bureaucracy that collected taxes in grain.
Most people were farmers, working the land that was either owned directly by the pharaoh
or by the temples and nobles. The most significant innovation of the period was the widespread
introduction of coinage, a military necessity to pay Greek mercenaries who insisted on currency
rather than grain. This development marked the beginning of a gradual shift away
from a purely barter-based economy. The art and architecture of this period were central
to the political project of national renewal. The style was marked by deliberate archaism,
a conscious return to the artistic conventions of earlier golden ages to evoke continuity
and legitimacy. Religiously, while the great state gods such as Amun-Ra and Isis remained central,
the most distinctive feature of the age was the explosive rise of animal cults.
Popular devotion fueled the mummification of millions of creatures – cats, ibises, falcons,
crocodiles – offered by pilgrims at sanctuaries in the hope of gaining divine favor.
This practice grew into a vast religious and economic enterprise, sustaining an industry of
priests, animal breeders, and embalmers. It also provided ordinary Egyptians with a tangible means
of communicating with their gods. The discovery of fake mummies containing only a few bones,
or sometimes even just mud, suggests that demand exceeded the supply of sacred animals,
and that there were many frauds and scammers involved in what had become a huge business.
The Nectanebo II's reign marked a watershed moment in the history of Ancient Egypt.
It signaled the end of rule by a native dynasty and the beginning of more than two millennia
of foreign domination. The first of these foreign rulers would be, once again, the Achaemenid Persian
kings. But we'll get into that in the next episode of Ancient Egypt, Dynasty by Dynasty. Stay tuned.
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