Korean War | Animated History

The soldiers steady themselves against the sides of a Higgins boat as another breaker pummels the landing craft. In the back, one poor man can't keep his chow down, and in the front, someone runs prayer beads through his fingers. Another salvo from the battleships. Surely nothing could have survived the bombardment. The boat's helmsman calls out, Time to go ashore. The landing ramp collides with a concrete seawall, fragments of a ladder falling imply into the passenger bay. The Americans scramble out of the boat, scaling the concrete as their enemy opens fire. But it is not the chatter of an MG-42 that greets these United States Marines, but the slow chug of a Soviet machine gun. This is Incheon, South Korea, and like the Normandy landings barely six years before, this amphibious invasion will turn the tide of a war. Hi, I'm Griffin Johnson, the Armchair Historian. The seeds that would grow into the Korean War were sown in 1945, when the Soviet Red Army invaded the peninsula following its declaration of war on Imperial Japan, which had held Korea since 1910. Soviet forces advanced down the peninsula until they reached the 38th parallel, then halted while the US troops landed in the south and moved to meet them, splitting the peninsula in two. The Soviets established a communist provisional government in the north, elevating Kim Il-sung, a hero of the insurgency against Japan, to the head of government. Consolidating power, Sung declared the formation of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Espousing democratic socialism, but practicing brutal authoritarianism. With North Korea lost to communism, the Americans decided to push back by establishing the First Republic of Korea. But this state was hardly a bastion of liberty and democracy. 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Help support our community and encourage the creators of great historical content by signing up for History Courses using our affiliate link in the description below. South Korea's first experience with democracy bore a disappointing resemblance to affairs in the DPRK. When elections were held in July of 1948, US-backed candidate Syngman Rhee just barely made it over the threshold with an entirely unsuspicious 92.6% of the popular vote. Both Rhee's administration in the South and Song's administration in the North wanted nothing more than to reunite the two halves of the peninsula under their governments, making conflict between North and South inevitable. Rhee declared his intent to reconquer the North to American envoys and followed up his statements with a Soviet-style purge of ideological opponents, including the Chechu uprising by communist elements, which led to between 30,000 and 60,000 casualties. Rhee's roughshod approach caused his American backers to limit their investment in what they saw more akin to a diet democracy than a truly free state. Even if Rhee had gotten his war, American support would have been hard to come by. The readiness of America's ground forces had dropped precipitously, and by 1950, of the 10 combat divisions in the United States Army, only one, the 82nd Airborne, was considered combat-ready. All US forces had also been evacuated in late 1949, leaving the South defended exclusively by the Republic of Korea Army, or ROK Army. Observing this weakness, Kim Il-sung began to believe that he could rapidly invade and conquer South Korea. Eventually, Sung launched his invasion, but claimed to his dying day that it was a righteous response to a surprise attack from the South, which was conveniently defeated so decisively by the Korean People's Army that no evidence of the invaders was left. Meanwhile, in his memoirs, Nikita Khrushchev stated, I must stress that the war wasn't Stalin's idea, but Kim Il-sung's. Kim was the initiator. Stalin, of course, didn't try to dissuade him. The Korean War was a very unique kind of proxy war, where the larger US and USSR were mostly against a conflict that their clients in Korea were all too keen to initiate. And initiate they did. In the early hours of June 25th, 1950, the Korean People's Army, or KPA, crossed the 38th parallel with an armored spearhead of 150 T-34-85s, rapidly pushing the ROK Army back towards Seoul and capturing both Kaesong and Uijeongbu. Yet despite the dire situation, it was late evening before news reached the Secretary of Defense, who begrudgingly woke up long enough to leave orders for General Douglas MacArthur to investigate rumors of a disturbance along the 38th parallel before going back to sleep. While he slumbered, the ROK Army Chief of Staff, Choi Pyong-duk, was seemingly busy doing his best to lose the war as quickly as possible. Thanks to multiple communication failures, his counter-attack with the 2nd and 7th Divisions east of Uijeongbu broke down in confusion. The isolated 1st Division put up fierce resistance, but with limited anti-tank weaponry, they could do little against the horde of T-34s. With retreat as the only reasonable course of action, General Choi instead ordered his troops to hold fast. Soon the 1st Division was alone, fighting a doomed last stand as the static South Korean positions were systematically annihilated. President Ri then fled Seoul, and just two days after the invasion began, the capital fell to the KPA. General MacArthur then ordered the commander of the 8th US Army, Lieutenant General Walton Walker, to prepare all available forces in the far east and immediately dispatch them to South Korea. This turned out to be a depressingly tiny force, consisting of only the 24th Infantry Division, armed with a charmingly vintage arsenal dating back from the Second World War. Even worse, only six transport planes were available, which could carry a single battalion. This battalion was designated Task Force Smith, and was quickly launched to secure the vital port of Pusan. At dawn on July 5th, Task Force Smith engaged the KPA for the first time at the Battle of Osan, but their equipment proved useless against KPA tanks, and they were quickly overwhelmed. However, they did hold just long enough for the bulk of the 24th Infantry Division to secure Pusan. Unfortunately, all other actions the 24th participated in afterward were abject failures, and the unit eventually sustained over 6,000 casualties, including its commander. But these sacrifices bought time for the United States to mobilize its full military might. Within days, America had established total air and naval superiority. The Korean sky constantly filled with withering bombing raids on both the invading army and North Korean infrastructure, yet Kim Il-sung refused to back down, and on August 4th, the KPA launched an all-out assault on the perimeter around Pusan. The KPA found the Americans well dug in, and the assault morphed into a But the perimeter came close to collapse on August 15th, when a push across the Naktong River by the KPA's elite troops managed to carve a salient known as the Naktong Bridge. Only the timely arrival of reinforcements averted disaster, all while American air and naval assets kept the North Koreans from consolidating their gains as they proceeded to devastate KPA supply lines. While the battle for Pusan raged on, General MacArthur was busy coordinating an amphibious landing at Inchon, 100 miles or 160 kilometers behind enemy lines. When told that Inchon was heavily defended and that adverse sea conditions made any landing a daunting prospect anyway, MacArthur responded thusly, The very arguments you have made as to the impracticabilities involved will tend to ensure, for me, the element of surprise, for the North Korean commander will reason that no one would be so brash as to make such an attempt. Being so brash, MacArthur got the plan approved in late August, and to everyone's surprise, the landing at Inchon proved a massive success. This forced the KPA to pull forces away from Pusan, allowing the defenders to stage a breakout on the 25th. This was the last straw for the North Koreans, and their morale finally shattered, with hundreds of soldiers surrendering en masse as the Americans drove north, and attracted the attention of Chinese border troops at the Yalu River. With Inchon secured, UN forces began their drive to The Road to Seoul was a grueling campaign which saw intense combat around airfields and strongpoints, flamethrowers, and massive bombardments played a key role in dislodging stubborn KPA troops. The fighting only worsened when UN troops met the KPA in the Second Battle of Seoul. Brutal house-to-house combat saw thousands of KPA soldiers killed, while American casualties hovered close to 300. UN forces ultimately seized the city on September 28th. The invasion of South Korea had been defeated not just by American forces, but by a coalition including Thai, Ethiopian, British, Canadian, and Dutch soldiers coming together for a truly international response. Morale was high, victory was sweet, and with your friend and mine Douglas MacArthur leading the charge, the thought on the ground was what could go possibly wrong. With South Korea secured, MacArthur and his superiors were left debating whether or not to go for a killing blow against Kim Il-sung's regime. Syngman Rhee was still determined to reunite the peninsula under his rule, and the men on the ground were eager to take revenge on the North for the casualties they Ultimately, the Joint Chiefs authorized MacArthur to invade North Korea as long as such operations had a reasonable chance of success. As the Americans rested on their laurels and planned for their invasion of North Korea, the People's Republic of China moved troops closer to North ultimately assembling a force of almost half a million men at the Yalu River. After the intense battles in the South, Pyongyang fell with astonishing ease. The dispirited KPA offered virtually no resistance, and the capital was taken on October 19th. The U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff ordered MacArthur to prepare the way for unification of a free and independent Korea. Unaware that UN success had awakened a sleeping giant, the People's Republic of China. China had watched the Korean War with concern, concern that only grew as their ideological brethren in the North were routed by the capitalist forces. The same day Pyongyang was captured, 300,000 soldiers of the People's Army, led by veterans of the Chinese Civil War, crossed the border into Korean territory and a whole new phase of the conflict began. The first Chinese offensive began on October 25th with an easy victory at the Battle of Unsan. But the People's Army did not press its advantage, withdrawing quickly back into the mountains. Then, just a week after the first offensive, the North Korean winter set in, with temperatures dropping to minus 8 degrees Fahrenheit or minus 22 degrees Celsius, accompanied by howling gales. In spite of these appalling conditions, MacArthur insisted that the offensive continue, but the second encounter with the Chinese at the Cheongshan River on November 25th was a disaster, with the ROK II Corps being wiped out and the U.S. 8th Army being thrown into a disorderly route. Then, on the 27th, the 30,000-strong U.S. 10th Corps was encircled by over 120,000 Chinese soldiers near the Choson Reservoir. For 17 days, the Americans fought desperately to escape the trap before finally breaking out to the port of Hongnam, where they were evacuated. The survivors were dubbed the Choson Few, in a bitter play on words. Choson Reservoir was a horrendous battle with Chinese forces regularly offering no quarter to their American adversaries. Left with no choice, the UN coalition was forced to go on the defensive, and Pyongyang was abandoned on the 5th of December. The rapid retreat saw both UN forces and Korean civilians withdraw before the Chinese advance, and the journey south was fraught with accidents and tragedies, including the death of General Walker, commander of all U.S. Army forces in Korea. Only a personal visit to the troops by Walker's successor, General Matthew B. Ridgway, forestalled outright panic. Even so, there was nothing the coalition could do to stop the enemy advance, and in January, seven Chinese armies washed over Seoul, forcing the defenders to retreat and Seoul changed hands for the third time. Relief for the shell-shocked defenders only came when the Chinese supply lines were broken by U.S. air power, forcing them to begin a slow withdrawal back to the 38th parallel. The UN's fortunes had well and truly turned. Yet General MacArthur remained convinced that victory was possible, and even pressured President Truman to authorize the use of nuclear weapons on Korean soil. After weeks of enduring this insubordinate behavior, Truman sacked MacArthur and promoted General Ridgway in his place. Meanwhile, the Chinese were experiencing issues of their own. Coalition air superiority remained absolute, and North Korea now resembled a moonscape of craters from ceaseless U.S. bomber attacks. Ridgway undertook several initiatives in his position. Operation Wolfhound saw a massive air reconnaissance effort reveal the People's Army were holding their positions, if not withdrawing, and Ridgway capitalized on this information to launch Operation Thunderbolt, a new drive toward Seoul. Thunderbolt brought the UN forces to the city, but the daring offensive, Operation Ripper, saw the capital change hands for the fourth and final time. From this point on, Ridgway and the UN forces doubled down on their philosophy of overwhelming firepower, leveraging superior American military technology to level the playing field with the overwhelming numbers of the People's Army. Ridgway became focused on destroying the Chinese rather than retaking North Korea, but the war devolved into a stalemate of attrition, with salience developing in the shifting lines and hard points like Porkchop Hill and White Horse Mountain changing hands in bloody tugs of war. Superior firepower or not, the People's Army was still in the fight, and the U.S. Joint Chiefs estimated that a renewed march on Pyongyang would result in a minimum of 200,000 U.S. casualties, an utterly unthinkable price for the war-weary American public to be asked to pay. As the UN troops duked it out with the Chinese, politicians in Washington began to push for a settlement. They saw little chance of ending the conflict any other way. Peace talks began in mid-1951, while Ridgway and his cohorts continued to battle the Chinese. But neither side wanted to risk admitting defeat, fearful of the reaction from both their government and their constituents. Belligerent diplomats and petty cultural misunderstandings caused negotiations to stall on multiple occasions as a result. There was also the thorny issue of POWs. Over 60,000 Korean and Chinese prisoners refused repatriation, preferring to stay in the South. This would result in much bickering between the two sides, dragging matters on for over a year, until a ceasefire agreement was finally agreed on, on July 27, 1953. The deal established a demilitarized zone at the 38th parallel, and set up a Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission to settle the ongoing POW issue. Syngman Rhee naturally refused to sign the agreement, and officially North and South Korea are still at war to this very day. When all was said and done, the status quo came at the cost of three million lives, most of whom were civilians. Both sides committed a number of massacres, but the United States denied their own war crimes in Korea for many years while publicizing the brutality of their enemies. From 2005 to 2010, a South Korean commission conducted a large-scale investigation of war crimes, concluding that 82% were perpetrated by South Korean forces, with 18% perpetrated by North Korean forces. Many were motivated by fears of communist insurgents hiding among civilian populations. Like its Cold War cousin, the Vietnam War, the Korean War was a long, bloody, and ultimately futile conflict. The only difference was that the U.S. succeeded in forgetting Korea.