"Anabasis by Xenophon - Book 5, Part 1"

CHAPTER I. After this they met and took counsel concerning the remainder of the march. The first speaker was Antillean of Thurie. He rose and said, For my part, sirs, I am weary by this time of getting kit together and packing up for a start, of walking and running and carrying heavy arms, and of tramping along in line, or mounting guard and doing battle. The sole desire I now have is to cease from all these pains, and for the future, since we have the sea before us, to sail on and on, stretched out in sleep, like Odysseus, and so to find myself in Hellas. When they heard these remarks, the soldiers showed their approval with loud cries of, Well said! And then another spoke to the same effect, and then another, and indeed all present. Then Cheriosophus got up and said, I have a friend, sirs, who, as good hap will have it, is now High Admiral, Anexabeus. If you like to send me to him, I think I can safely promise to return with some men of war and other vessels which will carry us. All you have to do, if you are really minded to go home by sea, is to wait here till I come. I will be back ere long. The soldiers were delighted at these words, and voted that Cheriosophus should set sail on his mission without delay. After him Xenophon got up and spoke as follows. Cheriosophus, it is agreed, sets out in search of vessels, and we are going to await him. Let me tell you what, in my opinion, is reasonable to do while we are waiting. First of all, we must provide ourselves with necessaries from hostile territory, for there is not a sufficient market, nor, if there were, have we, with few solitary exceptions, the means of purchase. Now the district is hostile, so that if you set off in search of provisions without care and precaution, the chances are that many of us will be lost. To meet this risk, I propose that we should organize foraging parties to capture provisions, and for the rest, not roam about the country at random. The organization of the matter should be left to us. The resolution was passed. Please listen to another proposal, he continued. Some of you, no doubt, will be going out to pillage. It will be best, I think, that whoever does so should in each case, before starting, inform us of his intent, and in what direction he means to go, so that we may know the exact number of those who are out, and of those who stop behind. Thus we shall be able to help in preparing and starting the expedition where necessary, and in case of aid or reinforcements being called for, we shall know in what direction to proceed. Or, again, if the attempt is to be undertaken by raw or less expert hands, we may throw in the weight of our experience and advice, by endeavoring to discover the strength of those whom they design to attack. This proposal was also carried. Here is another point, he continued, to which I would draw your attention. Our enemies will not lack leisure to make raids upon us. Nor is it unnatural that they should lay plots for us, for we have appropriated what is theirs. They are seated over us, ever on the watch. I propose, then, that we should have regular outposts round the camp. If we take it in secession to do the picket and outlook duty, the enemy will be less able to harry us. And here is another point for your observation. Supposing we knew for certain that Cheriosippus must return with a sufficient number of vessels, there would be no need of the remark. But as that is still problematical, I propose that we should try to get together vessels on the spot also. If he comes and finds us already provided for here, we shall have more ships than we need, that is all. While if he fails to bring them, we shall have the local supply to fall back upon. I see ships sailing past perpetually, so we have only to ask the loan of some more ships from the men of Trapezus, and we can bring them into port, and safeguard them with their rudders unshipped, until we have enough to carry it. By this course I think we shall not fail of finding the means of transport requisite. That resolution was also passed. He proceeded, Consider whether you think it equitable to support by means of a general fund the ships' companies which we so impress, while they wait here for our benefit, and to agree upon a fare, on the principle of repaying kindnesses in kind. That too was passed. Well then, said he, in case after all our endeavors should not be crowned with success, and we find that we have not vessels enough, I propose that we should enjoin on the cities along the sea-board the duty of constructing and putting in order the roads, which we hear are impassable. They will be only too glad to obey, no doubt, out of mere terror and their desire to be rid of us. This last proposal was met by loud cries and protestations against the idea of going by land at all. So perceiving their infatuation, he did not put the question to the vote, but eventually persuaded the cities voluntarily to construct roads by the suggestion, If you get your roads in good order, we shall all the sooner be gone. They further got a fifty-oared galley from the Trapezunites, and gave the command of it to Dexippus, a Laconian, one of the Perioci. This man altogether neglected to collect vessels on the offing, but slunk off himself and vanished, ship and all, out of Pontus. Later on, however, he paid the penalty of his misdeeds. He became involved in some meddling in making and thrice at the court of Cethus, and was put to death by the Laconian Nicander. They also got a thirty-oared galley, the command of which was entrusted to Polycrates, an Athenian, and that officer brought into harbor, to the camp, all the vessels he could lay his hands on. If these were laden, they took out the freights and appointed guards to keep an eye on their preservation, whilst they used the ships themselves for transport service on the coast. While matters stood at this point, the Hellenes used to make forays with varying success. Sometimes they captured prey, and sometimes they failed. On one occasion Cleonetus led his own and another company against a strong position, and was killed himself, with many others of his party. 2. The time came when it was no longer possible to capture provisions, going and returning to the camp in one day. In consequence of this, Xenophon took some guides from the Trepizanites, and led half the army out against the Drille, leaving the other half to guard the camp. That was necessary, since the Colchians, who had been ousted from their houses, were assembled thickly, and sat eyeing them from the heights above. On the other hand, the Trepizanites, being friendly to the native inhabitants, were not for leading the Hellenes to places where it was easy to capture provisions. But against the Drille, from whom they personally suffered, they would lead them with enthusiasm, up into mountainous and scarcely accessible fortresses, and against the most warlike people of any in the Pontus. But when the Hellenes had reached the uplands, the Drille set fire to all their fastnesses, which they thought could be taken easily, and beat a retreat. And except here and there a stray pig or bullock or other animal which had escaped the fire, there was nothing to capture. But there was one fastness which served as their metropolis. Into this the different streams of people collected. Round it ran a tremendously deep ravine, and the approaches to the place were difficult. So the light infantry ran forward five or six furlongs in advance of the heavy infantry, and crossed the ravine, and seeing quantities of sheep and other things, proceeded to attack the place. Close at their heels followed a number of those who had set out on the foray, armed with spears, so that the storming party across the ravine amounted to more than two thousand. But finding that they could not take the place by a coup de main, as there was a trench running round it, mounted up some bread, with a stockade on top of the earthwork, and a close-packed row of wooden bastions. They made an attempt to run back, but the enemy fell upon them from the rear. To get away by a sudden rush was out of the question, since the descent from the fortress into the ravine only admitted of moving in a single file. Under the circumstances they sent to Xenophon, who was in command of the heavy infantry. The messenger came and delivered his message. There is a fastness chokeful of all sorts of stores, but we cannot take it. It is too strong, nor can we easily get away. The enemy rush out and deliver battle, and the return is difficult. On hearing this, Xenophon pushed forward his heavy infantry to the edge of the ravine, and there ordered them to take up a position, while he himself with the officers crossed over to determine whether it were better to withdraw the party already across, or to bring over the heavy infantry also, on the supposition that the fortress might be taken. In favor of the latter opinion it was agreed that the retreat must cost many lives, and the officers were further disposed to think that they could take the place. Xenophon consented, relying on the victims, for the seers had announced that there would be a battle, but that the result of the expedition would be good. So he sent the officers to bring the heavy troops across, while he himself remained, having drawn off all the light infantry, and forbidden all sharpshooting at long range. As soon as the heavy infantry had arrived, he ordered each captain to form his company, in whatever way he hoped to make it most effective in the coming struggle. Side by side together they stood, these captains, not for the first time to-day competitors for the award of manly virtue. While they were thus employed, he, the general, was engaged in passing down his order along the ranks of the light infantry and archers, respectively, to march with the javelin on its thong and the arrow to the sling, ready at the word shoot to discharge their missiles, while the light troops were to have wallets well stocked with sling stones. Lastly, he dispatched his adjutants to see to the proper carrying out of these orders. And now the preparations were complete. The officers and lieutenants, and all others claiming to be peers of these, were drawn up in their several places. With a glance each was able to command the rest in the crescent-like disposition which the ground invited. Presently the notes of the battle-hymn arose, the clarion spoke, and with a thrilling cry in honor of the warrior-god, commenced a rush of the heavy infantry at full speed, under cover of a storm of missiles, lances, arrows, bullets, but most of all stones, hurled from the hand with ceaseless pelt, while there were some who brought fire-brands to bear. Overwhelmed by this crowd of missiles, the enemy left their stockades and their bastion towers, which gave Agassius the Stymphalian and Philoxenus of Pelene a chance not to be missed. Laying aside their heavy arms, up they went in bare tunics only, and one hauled another up, and meantime another had mounted and the place was taken, as they thought. Then the peltasts and light troops rushed in and began snatching what each man could. Xenophon, the while, posted at the gates, kept back as many of the hoplites as he could, for there were other enemies now visible on certain strong citadel heights, and after a lapse of no long time a shout arose within, and the men came running back, some still clutching what they had seized, and presently here and there a wounded man, and mighty was the jostling about the portals. To the questions which were put to them the outpouring fugitives repeated the same story, there was a citadel within, and enemies in crowds were making savage sallies and beating the fellows inside. At that Xenophon ordered Ptolmedes, the herald, to proclaim, Enter all who are minded to capture Ot. In poured the surging multitude, and the counter-current of persons elbowing their passage in prevailed over the stream of those who issued forth, until they beat back and cooped up the enemy within the citadel again. So outside the citadel everything was sacked and pillaged by the Helenes, and the heavy infantry took up their position, some about the stockades, others along the road leading up to the citadel. Xenophon and the officers meantime considered the possibility of taking the citadel, for if so their safety was assured, but if otherwise it would be very difficult to get away. As a result of their deliberations they agreed that the place was impregnable. Then they began making preparations for the retreat. Each set of men proceeded to pull down the palisading which faced themselves. Further they sent away all who were useless or who had enough to do to carry their burdens, with the mass of the heavy infantry accompanying them, the officers in each case leaving behind men whom they could severally depend on. But as soon as they began to retreat, outrushed upon them from within a host of fellows, armed with wicker shields and lances, greaves, and Pamphlagonian helmets. Others might be seen scaling the houses on this side and that of the road leading into the citadel. Even pursuit in the direction of the citadel was dangerous, since the enemy kept hurling down on them great beams from above, so that to stop and to make off were a life dangerous, and night approaching was full of terrors. But in the midst of their fighting and their despair some god gave them a means of safety. All of a sudden, by whatsoever hand ignited, a flame shot up. It came from a house on the right hand, and as this gradually fell in, the people from the other houses on the right took to their heels and fled. Xenophon, laying this lesson of fortune to heart, gave orders to set fire to the left-hand houses also, which being of wood burned quickly, with the result that the occupants of these also took to flight. The men immediately at their front were the sole annoyance now, and these were safe to fall upon them as they made their exit and in their descent. Here, then, the word was passed for all who were out of range to bring up logs of wood and pile them between themselves and the enemy, and when there was enough of these they set them on fire. They also fired the houses along the trench work itself, so as to occupy the attention of the enemy. Thus they got off, though with difficulty, and escaped from the place by putting a fire between them and the enemy, and the whole city was burnt down, houses, turrets, stockading, and everything belonging to it except the citadel. Next day the Hellenes were bent on getting back with the provisions, but as they dreaded the descent to Trapezus, which was precipitous and narrow, they laid a false ambuscade, and Amisian, called after the name of his nation, Mysis, took ten of the Cretans and halted in some thick, bushy ground, where he made a feint of endeavoring to escape the notice of the enemy. The glint of their light shields, which were of brass, now and again gleamed through the brushwood. The enemy, seeing it all through the thicket, were confirmed in their fears of an ambuscade. But the army, meanwhile, was quietly making its descent, and when it appeared that they had crept down far enough, the signal was given to the Mysis to flee as fast as he could, and he, springing up, fled with his men. The rest of the party, that is, the Cretans, saying, We are caught if we race, left the road and plunged into a wood, tumbling and rolling down the gullies, were saved. The Mysis, fleeing along the road, kept crying for assistance, which they sent him, and picked him up wounded. The party of rescue now beat a retreat themselves with their face to the foe, exposed to a shower of missiles, to which some of the Cretan bowmen responded with their arrows. In this way they all reached the camp in safety. NUMBER THREE Now, when Cheriosophus did not arrive, and the supply of ships was insufficient, and to get provisions longer was impossible, they resolved to depart. On board the vessels they embarked the sick, and those above forty years of age, with the boys and women, and all the baggage which the soldiers were not absolutely forced to take for their own use. The two eldest generals, Felicius and Sophonetus, were put in charge, and so the party embarked, while the rest resumed their march, for the road was now completely constructed. Continuing their march that day and the next, on the third they reached Sirusus, a Hellenic city in the sea, and a colony of Sinope, in the country of the Colchians. Here they halted ten days, and there was a review and numbering of the troops under arms, when there were found to be eight thousand six hundred men. So many had escaped, the rest had perished at the hands of the enemy, or by reason of the snow, or else disease. At this time and place they divided the money accruing from the captives sold, and a tithe selected for Apollo and Artemis of the Ephesians was divided between the generals, each of whom took a portion to guard for the gods, Neon the Assinian taking on behalf of Cheriosophus. Out of the portion which fell to Xenophon he caused a dedicatory offering to Apollo to be made, and dedicated among the treasures of the Athenians at Delphi. It was inscribed with his own name and that of Proxenus, his friend, who was killed with Clericus. The gift for Artemis of the Ephesians was, in the first instance, left behind by him in Asia, at the time when he left that part of the world himself, with Agascellus on the march into Boeotia. He left it behind in charge of Megabysis, the sacristan of the goddess, thinking that the voyage on which he was starting was fraught with danger. In the event of his coming out of it alive, he charged Megabysis to restore to him the deposit, but should any evil happen to him, then he was to cause to be made and to dedicate on his behalf to Artemis whatsoever thing he thought would be pleasing to the goddess. In the days of his banishment, when Xenophon was now established by the Lacedaemonians as a colonist on Cilice, a place which lies on the main road to Olympia, Megabysis arrived on his way to Olympia as a spectator to attend the games, and restored to him the deposit. Xenophon took the money and bought for the goddess a plot of ground, at a point indicated to him by the oracle. The plot, it so happened, had its own Salinus river flowing through it, just as at Ephesus the river Salinus flows past the temple of Artemis, and in both streams fish and mussels are to be found. On the estate at Cilice there is hunting and shooting of all the beasts of the chase that are. Here with the sacred money he built an altar and a temple, and ever after, year by year, tithed the fruits of the land in their season, and did sacrifice to the goddess, while all the citizens and neighbors, men and women, shared in the festival. The goddess herself provided for the banqueters meat and loaves and wines and sweetmeats, with portions of the victims sacrificed from the sacred pasture, as also of those which were slain in the chase, for Xenophon's own lads, with the lads of the other citizens, always made a hunting excursion against the festival day, in which any grown man who liked might join. The game was captured partly from the sacred district itself, partly from Philo, pigs and gazelles and stags. The place lies on the direct road from Lacedaemon to Olympia, about twenty furlongs from the temple of Zeus in Olympia, and within the sacred enclosure there is a meadowland and wood-covered hills, suited to the breeding of pigs and goats and cattle and horses, so that even the sumter animals of the pilgrims passing to the feast bear sumptuously. The shrine is skirted by a grove of cultivated trees, yielding dessert fruits in their season. The temple itself is a facsimile on a small scale of the great temple at Ephesus, and the image of the goddess is like the golden statue of Ephesus, save only that it is made not of gold, but of cypress wood. Beside the temple stands a column bearing this inscription, The place is sacred to Artemis. He who holds it, and enjoys the fruits of it, is bound to sacrifice yearly a tithe of the produce, and from the residue thereof to keep and repair the shrine. If any men fail in aught of this, the goddess herself will look to it, that the matter shall not sleep. End of Book 5, Part 1.