"ANABASIS..... Is a Greek word which means ""journey from the coast to the center of a country."" This is Xenophon's account of his march to Persia with a troop of Greek mercenaries to aid Cyrus, who enlisted Greek help to try and take the throne from his brother Artaxerxes, and the ensuing return of the Greeks, in which Xenophon played a leading role. This occurred between 401 B.C. and March 399 B.C.
AUTHOR BIOGRAPHY..... Xenophon of Athens (c.430 – 355/354 BC) was a Greek military leader, philosopher, and historian, born in Athens. At the age of thirty, Xenophon was elected commander of one of the biggest Greek mercenary armies of the Achaemenid Empire, the Ten Thousand, that marched on and came close to capturing Babylon in 401 BC. As the military historian Theodore Ayrault Dodge wrote, ""the centuries since have devised nothing to surpass the genius of this warrior"". Xenophon established precedents for many logistical operations, and was among the first to describe flanking maneuvers and feints. Xenophon's Anabasis recounts his adventures with the Ten Thousand while in the service of Cyrus the Younger, Cyrus's failed campaign to claim the Persian throne from Artaxerxes II of Persia, and the return of Greek mercenaries after Cyrus's death in the Battle of Cunaxa. Anabasis is a unique first-hand, humble, and self-reflective account of a military leader's experience in antiquity. On the topic of campaigns in Asia Minor and in Babylon, Xenophon wrote Cyropaedia outlining both military and political methods used by Cyrus the Great to conquer the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 539 BC. Anabasis and Cyropaedia inspired Alexander the Great and other Greeks to conquer Babylon and the Achaemenid Empire in 331 BC.
A student and a friend of Socrates, Xenophon recounted several Socratic dialogues – Symposium, Oeconomicus, Hiero, a tribute to Socrates – Memorabilia, and a chronicle of the philosopher's trial in 399 BC – Apology of Socrates to the Jury. Reading Xenophon's Memorabilia inspired Zeno of Citium to change his life and start the Stoic school of philosophy. For at least two millennia, Xenophon's many talents fueled the debate of whether to place Xenophon with generals, historians or philosophers. For the majority of time in the past two millennia, Xenophon was recognized as a philosopher. Quintilian in The Orator's Education discusses the most prominent historians, orators and philosophers as examples of eloquence and recognizes Xenophon's historical work, but ultimately places Xenophon next to Plato as a philosopher. Today, Xenophon is best known for his historical works. The Hellenica continues directly from the final sentence of Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War covering the last seven years of the Peloponnesian War (431–404 BC) and the subsequent forty two years (404 BC–362 BC) ending with the Second Battle of Mantinea."
VI.
At this date, when nearly two months had already passed, an embassy arrived.
These were two agents from Thibran, Charminus, a Lacedaemonian, and Polynicus.
They were sent to say that the Lacedaemonians had resolved to open a campaign against Tiszafernes,
and that Thibran, who had set sail to conduct the war, was anxious to avail himself of the
troops.
He could guarantee that each soldier should receive a derrick a month as pay, the officers
double pay, and the generals quadruple.
The Lacedaemonian emissaries had no sooner arrived than Heraclitus, having learned that
they had come in search of the Hellenic troops, goes off himself to Sothos and says,
The best thing that could have happened, the Lacedaemonians want these troops, and you
have done with them, so that if you hand over the troops to them, you will do the Lacedaemonians
a good turn, and will cease to be bothered for pay and more.
The country will be quit of them once and forever.
On hearing this, Sothos bade him introduce the emissaries.
As soon as they had stated the object of their coming was to treat for the Hellenic troops,
he replied that he would willingly give them up, that his one desire was to be the friend
and ally of Lacedaemon.
So he invited them to partake of hospitality, and entertained them magnificently, but he
did not invite Xenophon, nor indeed any of the other generals.
Presently the Lacedaemonians asked, What sort of man is Xenophon?
And Sothos answered, Not a bad fellow in most respects, but he is too much the soldier's
friend, and that is why it goes ill with him.
They asked, Does he play the popular leader?
And Heraclitus answered, Exactly so.
Well then, said they, he will oppose our taking away the troops, will he not?
To be sure he will, said Heraclitus, but you have only to call a meeting of the whole body,
and promise them pay, and little further heed will they pay to him, they will run off with
you.
How are we to get them collected? they asked.
Early to-morrow, said Heraclitus, we will bring you to them, and I know, he added once
more, as soon as they set eyes on you they will flock to you with alacrity.
Thus the day ended.
The next day Sothos and Heraclitus brought the two Laconian agents to the army, and the
troops were collected, and the agents made a statement as follows.
The Lacedaemonians have resolved on war with Tisaphernes, who did you much wrong.
By going with us, therefore, you will punish your enemy, and each of you will get a derrick
a month, the officers twice that sum, and the generals quadruple.
The soldiers lent willing ears, and up jumped one of the Arcadians at once, to find fault
with Xenophon.
Sothos was also hard by, wishing to know what was going to happen.
He stood within earshot, and his interpreter by his side, not but what he could understand
most of what was said in Greek himself.
At this point the Arcadian spoke.
For the matter of that, Lacedaemonians, we should have been by your sides long ago, if
Xenophon had not persuaded us and brought us hither.
We have never ceased campaigning, night and day, the dismal winter through, but he reaps
the fruit of our toils.
Sothos has enriched him privately, but deprives us of our hard earnings, so that standing
here as I do to address you first, all I can say is, that if I might see the fellow stoned
to death as a penalty for all the long dance he has led us, I should feel I had got my
pay in full, and no longer grudge the pains we have undergone.
The speaker was followed by another, and then another in the same strain, and after that
Xenophon made the following speech.
True is the old adage, there is nothing which mortal man may not expect to see.
Here am I being accused by you today, just where my conscience tells me that I have displayed
the greatest zeal on your behalf.
Was I not actually on my road home when I turned back?
Not, God knows, because I learned that you were in luck's way, but because I heard that
you were in sore straits, and I wished to help you, if in any way I could.
I returned, and Sothos yonder sent me messenger after messenger, and made me promise upon
promise, if only I could persuade you to come to him.
Yet as you yourselves will bear me witness, I was not to be diverted.
Instead of setting my hand to do that, I simply led you to a point from which, with least
loss of time, I thought you could cross into Asia.
This I believed was the best thing for you, and you knew I desired it.
But when Aristarchus came with his ships of war and hindered our passage across, you will
hardly quarrel with me for the step I then took, in calling you together that we might
advisedly consider our best course.
Having heard both sides, first Aristarchus, who ordered you to march to the Chersonese,
then Sothos, who pleaded with you to undertake a campaign with himself, you all proposed
to go with Sothos, and you all gave your votes to that effect.
What wrong did I commit in bringing you whither you were eager to go?
If indeed, since the time when Sothos began to tell lies and cheat us about the pay, I
have supported him in this, you may justly find fault with me and hate me.
But if I, who at first was most of all his friend, to-day am more than any one else at
variance with him, how can I, who have chosen you and rejected Sothos, in fairness be blamed
by you for the very thing which has been the ground of quarrel between him and me?
But you will tell me, perhaps, that I get from Sothos what is by right yours, and that
I deal subtly by you?
But is it not clear that, if Sothos has paid me anything, he has at any rate not done so
with the intention of losing by what he gives me, whilst he is still your debtor?
If he gave to me, he gave in order that, by a small gift to me, he might escape a larger
payment to yourselves.
But if that is what you really think has happened, you can render this whole scheme of ours null
and void in an instant, by exacting from him the money which is your due.
It is clear Sothos will demand back from me whatever I have got from him, and he will
have all the more right to do so, if I have failed to secure for him what he bargained
for when I took his gifts.
But indeed I am far removed from enjoying what is yours, and I swear to you by all the
gods and goddesses, that I have not taken even what Sothos promised me in private.
He is present himself and listening, and he is aware in his own heart whether I swear
falsely.
And what will surprise you the more, I can swear besides, that I have not received even
what the other generals have received, no, nor yet what some of the officers have received.
But how so?
Why have I managed my affairs no better?
I thought, sirs, the more I helped him to bear his poverty at the time, the more I should
make him my friend in the day of his power.
Whereas it is just when I see the star of his good fortune rising, that I have come
to define the secret of his character.
Some one may say, are you not ashamed to be so taken in like a fool?
Yes, I should be ashamed, if it had been an open enemy who had so deceived me.
But to my mind, when a friend cheats a friend, a deeper stain attaches to the perpetrator
than to the victim of deceit.
Whatever precaution a man may take against his friend, that we took in full.
We certainly gave him no pretext for refusing to pay us what he promised.
We were perfectly upright in our dealings with him.
We did not dwaddle over his affairs, nor did we shrink from any work to which he challenged
us.
But you will say, I ought to have taken security of him at the time, so that had he fostered
the wish, he might have lacked the ability to deceive.
To meet that retort, I must beg you to listen to certain things, which I should never have
said in his presence, except for your utter want of feeling towards me, or your extraordinary
ingratitude.
Try and recall the posture of your affairs, when I extricated you and brought you to Scythus.
Do you not recollect how, at Perinthus, Aristarchus shut the gates in your faces each time you
offered to approach the town, and how you were driven to camp outside under the canopy
of heaven?
It was midwinter.
You were thrown upon the resources of a market wherein few were the articles offered for
sale, and scanty the wherewithal to purchase them.
Yet stay in Thrace you must, for there were ships of war riding in anchor in the bay,
ready to hinder your passage across.
And what did that stay imply?
It meant being in a hostile country, confronted by countless cavalry, legions of light infantry.
And what had we?
A heavy infantry force, certainly, with which we could have dashed at villages in a body
possibly, and seized a modicum of food at most.
But as to pursuing the enemy with such a force as ours, or capturing men or cattle, the thing
was out of the question, for when I rejoined you, your original cavalry and light infantry
divisions had disappeared.
In such sore straits you lay.
Supposing that, without making any demands for pay whatever, I had merely won for you
the alliance of Scythus, whose cavalry and light infantry were just what you needed,
would you not have thought that I had planned very well for you?
I presume it was through your partnership with him and his that you were able to find
such complete stores of corn in the villages, when the Thracians were driven to take to
their heels in such hot haste, and you had so large a share of captives and cattle.
Why, from the day on which his cavalry force was attached to us, we never set eyes on a
single foeman in the field, though up to that date the enemy, with his cavalry and his light
infantry, used undauntedly to hang on our heels, and effectually prevented us from scattering
in small bodies and reaping a rich harvest of provisions.
But if he who partly gave you this security has failed to pay in full the wages due you
therefrom, is not that a terrible misfortune?
So monstrous indeed that you think I ought not to go forth alive.
But let me ask you, in what condition do you turn your backs on this land to-day?
Have you not wintered here in the lap of plenty?
Whatever you have got from Scythus has been surplus gain.
Your enemies have to meet the bill of your expenses, whilst you led a merry round of
existence in which you have not once set eyes on a dead body of a comrade, or lost one living
man.
Again, if you have achieved any, or rather many, noble deeds against the Asiatic barbarian,
you have them safe.
And in addition to these, to-day you have won for yourselves a second glory.
You undertook a campaign against the European Thracians, and have mastered them.
What I say, then, is, that these very matters which you make a ground of quarrel against
myself are rather blessings for which you ought to show gratitude to heaven.
Thus far I have confined myself to your side of the matter.
Bear with me, I beg you, while we examine mine.
When I first essayed to part with you and journey homewards I was doubly blessed.
From your lips I had won some praise, and thanks to you I had obtained glory from the
rest of Hellas.
I was trusted by the Lacedaemonians, else would they not have sent me back to you.
Whereas to-day I turn to go, calumniated before the Lacedaemonians by yourselves, detested
in your behalf by Sothis, whom I meant so to benefit, by the help of you, that I should
find in him a refuge for myself and for my children, if children I might have in after-time.
And you the Hwile, for whose sake I have incurred so much hate, the hate of people far superior
to me in strength, you, for whom I have not yet ceased to devise all the good I can, entertain
such sentiments about me.
Why, I am no renegade or runaway slave you have got hold of.
If you carry out what you say, be sure you will have done to death a man who has passed
many a vigil in watching over you, who has shared with you many a toil, and run many
a risk in turn and out of turn, who, thanks to the gracious gods, has by your side set
up full many a trophy over the barbarian, who lastly has strained every nerve in his
body to protect you against yourselves.
And so it is, that to-day you can move freely, where you choose, by land or by sea, and no
one can say you nay.
And you, on whom this large liberty draws, who are sailing to a long-desired goal, who
are sought after by the greatest of military powers, who have pay and prospect, and for
Now is the appointed time, you think, to put me to a speedy death.
But in the days of our difficulties it was very different, O ye men of marvellous memory.
No, in those days you called me father, and you promised you would bear me ever in mind,
your benefactor.
Not so, however, not so ingracious are those who have come to you to-day, nor, if I mistake
not, have you bettered yourselves in their eyes by your treatment of me."
With these words he paused, and Charminus the Lacedaemonian got up and said,
Nay, by the twins you are wrong.
Surely in your anger against this man I myself can bear testimony in his favour.
When Polynicus and I asked Sothos what sort of a man he was, Sothos answered, he had but
one fault to find with him, that he was too much the soldier's friend, which also was
the cause why things went wrong with him, whether as regards us Lacedaemonians or himself,
Sothos.
Upon that, Eriolachus of Lucia, an Arcadian, got up and said, addressing the two Lacedaemonians,
Yes, sirs, and what strikes me is that you cannot begin your generalship of us better
than by exacting from Sothos our pay.
Whether he likes it or no, let him pay in full, and do not take us away before.
Polycratus, the Athenian, who was put forward by Xenophon, said,
If my eyes do not deceive me, sirs, there stands Heraclitus, yonder, the man who received
the property won by our toil, who took it and sold it, and never gave back either to
Sothos or to us the proceeds of the sale, but kept the money to himself like the thief
he is.
If we are wise we will lay hold of him, for he is no Thracian, but a Hellene, and against
Hellenes is the wrong he has committed.
When Heraclitus heard these words, he was in great consternation, so he came to Sothos
and said, If we are wise we will get away from here out of reach of these fellows.
So they mounted their horses and were gone in thrice, galloping to their own camp.
Subsequently Sothos sent Abrozelmes, his private interpreter, to Xenophon, begging him to stay
behind with one thousand heavy troops, and engaging duly to deliver to him the places
on the sea-board and the other things which he had promised.
And then as a great secret he told him that he had heard from Polynicus that, if he once
got into the clutches of the Lacedaemonians, Thibrun was certain to put him to death.
Several messages kept coming to Xenophon by letter or otherwise from several quarters,
warning him that he was calumniated, and had best be on his guard.
Hearing which, he took two victims and sacrificed to Zeus the king, whether it were better and
happier to stay with Sothos on the terms proposed, or depart with the army.
The answer he received was, Depart.