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The multitude succeeded.
The Iranian Islamic Revolution and in small brackets Khomeiniism.
Khomeiniism is an ideology that's born of Khomeini's writings and his efforts and effectively his governments.
But behind that and leading up to that cataclysmic moment, we have the efforts of a very famous ideologue and professor,
Ali Shariati.
He doesn't live to see the revolution succeed, he dies two years before that.
But he is the ideologue who effectively generates the energy and the momentum needed for the youth to actually be galvanized and to join the revolution.
So he is the predecessor that makes way for the eventual revolution, revolutionary way.
Khomeini makes his followers fully understand his plans for an Islamic Republic.
Most see it in simple terms as a permanent end to the Shah and a return to some ancient idea of justice.
The only movement close to this one was Ataturk, Nasser's movement, the Arab Ba'athi movement and also King Abdulaziz, his movement.
This is a perfect ten on all counts.
It's a perfect ten on all counts.
Because when you look at the combined effect of Khomeini and Shariati and what they managed to achieve in the end in 79 and beyond 79,
because we still live in a post-Khomeini world reality effectively, everything has been transformed in society.
Everything about Iranian society and identity has been transformed.
The impact is a ten out of ten because as we know from 79 onwards, Iran becomes an ultra-conservative nation.
It's a democracy effectively.
So the entire system has been changed, the social dimensions have been changed.
Everything has changed effectively.
We have a new world in Iran.
The economic situation, the same thing happens.
Everything has changed.
The policies of the Shah, which he brought with the white revolution, we're going to look at that following this one, Inshallah.
Everything has been changed.
In fact, everything has been Islamized.
If we say Islam from the perspective of a general precept, it's been Islamized.
Particularly speaking the Shia, to our perspective, but Islamized.
Khomeini had a system known as Wilayat al-Faqih.
We're going to look into that concept a bit later.
But to simplify it, it's effectively the Shia version of Khilafah.
It's the Shia equivalent to a Khilafah.
So I know many Sunnis oftentimes block their ears, Khomeini, Khomeini.
But you need to understand, when we say that we've had no Khilafah since 1924,
technically speaking, if you include the Shia world, that's not correct.
Because what Khomeini establishes is a Shia Khilafah.
And there were many movements from the Muslim Sunni perspective who accepted that,
and even called for him to be the Khalifa for all the Muslims.
We'll get into that later.
So technically, we did establish, as a global Muslim community, there was a Khilafah established.
But it was known as something else.
Again, it's such a powerful movement.
The economy has changed.
The political landscape completely changed.
He introduced a new movement, a new system of governance, under the Wilayat al-Faqih.
It's a new system of governance, where the clerics, or the scholarly class,
are included in the governorship of the country.
And at the very highest level, you have the Ayatollah.
So there's a very, very solid system that's put in place,
and replaces what was previously there.
The sentiments, the aspirations, the references, the language,
all of that was driven by religious zeal, fervor, and also conviction.
It wasn't just a political movement.
It wasn't just another one of those Marxist movements, or nationalistic movements.
It was purely, from the foundations up, a religious movement.
And so, insofar as Khomeini is a Shia scholar,
how much longer for, we don't know.
But it's such a powerful moment in history.
I think we don't really appreciate, as a younger generation,
just how far the boundaries were pushed when Khomeini took power.
As I said, there are many Sunni leaders and movements,
Ikhwan al-Muslimin, Hizb al-Tahrir, the PLO,
and many leaders from these movements who actually congratulated him.
And some even came forward to figure out a way to have him as the Khalifa for all the Muslims,
despite being Sunni.
So it's a very, very, very powerful movement.
But in order for us to appreciate this achievement from that perspective,
we need to know the building blocks, the fundamentals of this movement, where it begins.
And to be able to get that understanding, we need to understand the life and the works of a very central figure,
Ali Shariati, this man here.
We have to understand who this man was,
and what his contribution was to the movement.
He was one of the most brilliant intellectuals from the Muslim tradition.
Again, I use this term very loosely.
When I say Muslim, I mean Islamic, or Islamicate.
But one of the most brilliant intellectuals in recent times.
One of the most brilliant.
And he's able to take ideas from the Western Hemisphere,
but remains, you could say, loyal to his own Shia tradition.
He doesn't compromise.
He finds a way to synthesize and then to elevate the level.
But he can also reach the masses,
the intellectuals, the young students that he was teaching as a teacher,
and the general masses with his writings, his lectures.
So he was very, very effective in what he did.
And you can almost say that without him,
much of the drive and the push that led to the 1979 success
would have been perhaps less possible.
Only Allah knows.
But he's a very central figure, Ali Shariati.
So let's look into him a bit more, inshallah.
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi,
who was a final of the Pahlavid shahs and emperors,
actually initiated in 1963 what he called the White Revolution.
The White Revolution.
And this was a series of socioeconomic and cultural reforms in society
to not only bring Iran into the modern world,
but also to elevate the industry and to make it more prosperous
and more literate people, greater freedom for women,
more facilities for the impoverished.
So he brought about a revolution in 1963
that was effectively going to revive
and bring the nation into the modern world.
But against his policy, there was the Red Shia,
the Red Shia movement or ideology
that was founded by Ali Shariati.
So you have the Black Shia and you have the Red Shia strands.
He favoured the Red Shia strand
and he made this theoretical framework
defining what the Black Shia movement was
and what the Red Shia movement was.
And he called it the Red Shia movement.
So you have the White Revolution,
which is being resisted by the Red Shia ideology.
And then you have the Black clergy,
those who are effectively dressing black.
But it represents also the Shia administration
or the clerical administration.
That black, kind of sombre attire
represents that class of people.
History is written with two colours.
It's written in red and in black.
Red is the blood of the martyr,
those who die for the cause.
And black is the ink of the scholars, the intellectuals,
those who actually galvanise and mobilise the masses
with their writings and their lectures.
And the white represents a new page.
When you have a revolution, you start again from scratch.
A new page, a blank page.
So I find it very interesting that
these colours were brought into the equation
when it comes to Iran and the revolution
and utilised and given new significance and new meaning.
We want to begin with the red
because Ali Shariati gives us a very fascinating
intellectual framework by which to work.
The more you learn history,
the more fascinating things are the correlations.
If you could imagine that the principles
of the French Revolution
somehow inspired, not entirely,
but it did inspire the Iranian revolution,
at least the beginning stages of it.
And we get this from a cultural exchange.
So I'm going to get into that now.
Because Shariati goes to Paris.
Like many of the most influential thinkers
in the Muslim world from the 19th century onwards,
beginning with Tahtawi, Rifaat Tahtawi.
So beginning with his sojourn in Paris for five years,
we have many people who leave the Muslim world
and go to Paris and other parts of the European world
and come back with ideas.
Al-Afghani, Abduh and many others follow that trail.
We even find people such as Michel Aflaq
also follow that trail.
So from Iran,
one of the most influential people
who goes to France is Shariati.
And in his time in Paris,
he's acquainted with the works of Jean-Paul Sartre
and also Frantz Fanon.
This is what he takes back with him.
He translates the works into Farsi
and he begins to distribute this.
But there's a twist to what he does
because he doesn't take everything that they have to offer.
For example, Frantz Fanon in his very famous book
Wretched of the Earth
this famous book here
which was actually based on the colonial resistance movement
anti-colonial resistance movement in Algeria
where Fanon was actually at the time positioned
and working as a clinical psychologist.
He was able to learn from this book
but also he was corresponding with Fanon.
Fanon was alive at the time.
He will die a few years later.
And the ideas came to him
that we can actually take from this.
We're also fighting an anti-imperial force in Iran.
And while he was in Paris,
he was also in touch with many of the guerrilla fighters
and the intellectuals from Algeria.
So he joined the Algerian National Front
and he began to ingratiate himself
and immerse himself in that world.
So the ideas I took from Fanon
was that armed resistance is important
in fact necessary
to free themselves from the shackles of colonialism.
However, Fanon stopped at the point where he says
we shouldn't involve religion in it.
Religion should not be a part of the struggle
because it hinders the efforts.
It divides the people.
It's divisive and it has certain limitations.
Shariati says no.
In fact, our greatest strength is religion.
This struggle is not noble.
It doesn't have that factor
that we need to be successful without religion.
Religion gives it purpose and meaning.
So he takes the ideas of militarism
and he takes the Shia perspective
when it comes to, for example,
dying for a noble cause,
becoming a shaheed,
becoming somebody who gives his life so others can live.
He combines these
and comes up with something very different.
He also sought to...
Initially he was reading into, for example,
Marxist theories
and many Muslim ideologues at the time
were actually borrowing from the Marxists
and socialists
but after a while he decided
that this was not sufficient again
because it didn't give the spiritual nourishment
needed to be successful.
Marxism was a purely materialistic,
atheistic movement
and as a Muslim nation
they could not benefit in the long term
by following this sort of Western idea.
So he took what was possible
and created something very different.
His book is effectively,
you could say,
the Muslim-Iranian equivalent,
the Shia equivalent to Karl Marx.
So he writes another book
and delivers lectures
and by this is able to galvanise the youth
back in Iran
because he returns after five years.
He becomes a professor
and a very popular lecturer
and so his ideas begin to spread like wildfire.
Now of course he will be arrested by the secret services
but by that time his ideas
had already taken root in society
and he was already kind of
very successful.
If I were to describe to somebody
who doesn't know anything about Sharia
or has no idea who he was
or what he stood for
or what his significance is
I would describe him in the following terms.
He is the Iranian revolution's Qutb.
Said Qutb and his position
when it comes to the movements
that follow on later on in the 80s
in Egypt and across the Muslim world
he is the equivalent to said Qutb
but in Iran.
He is also the equivalent
to Mohammed Iqbal
but in Iran.
And if you look at the correlations
they are very similar correlations here.
Very similar correlations.
Often times we hear
especially those who live in the West
the Muslims in the West
we like to adorn ourselves
with claims such as
Islam will be revived from the West
the sun will rise from the West.
In the early 2000s
Islam will be revived from the West.
So the Western Muslims
will be the ones to revive Islam
because they are practicing Islam properly
they are more active.
I disagree with that.
I disagree with that on two counts.
The first count being that
those who we have witnessed
in the last 100 years
who have had the most impact
in the Muslim world
were not from the West.
In fact I would challenge anyone
to name two people from the West
Mohammed Asad
and even there he didn't have
he was influential
he played a supporting role
but he didn't lead anything.
All of the leaders in the Muslim world
in the last 100 years
were people who were born and raised
in the East
perhaps they spent time in the West
but they did not come from the West.
So there is a pattern there.
However there is another thing
that also makes sense
there is half truth in that statement
people who have had
very good influence
and powerful influence in the East
spent time in the West.
Most of them spent time in the West.
Either as students
or as people in exile
they had spent time in the West.
So what correlates the three people here
is that number one
they were all born in religious families
their fathers were either Imams
for example Shariati's father
had a seminary
and Muhammad Iqbal
began his studies
studying Islam first
and then he was sent to school
when his Ustadh
recognized intelligence in him
told the parents
send him to school.
So they had a very strong
and early exposure to Islamic culture
customs, traditions and values.
It's good for us to know
those of us who want to raise children tomorrow
who will insha'Allah
have influence in the world
and number one
they delved all three of them
in the written works
the written works
either as poets
or as journalists
or as essayists
all three of them
had a career with a pen
at some point
but more significantly
they had all spent time
in Europe
studying
all three of them.
But that was a very
kind of transformative experience
that they had traveled out of the Muslim world
had spent time in the West
had seen and studied and learned
and had come back to the Muslim world
with new ideas
some more positive than others
but that was very important to see
so the idea that
Muslims in the West
born and raised in the West
have the solutions
not necessarily so
but at the same time
there is a truth in saying that
perhaps spending time in the West
later on in life
as an intellectual
can give one
perhaps the tools
maybe the spark needed
to make a change back in the East
so for example Iqbal
he studied in Cambridge as we all know
Trinity College
he became a barrister
then he went to Munich
where he got a PhD in metaphysics
and philosophy
then we have Ali Shariati
spent five years in Paris
he was able to speak to
very influential teachers there
he met with Sartre
he was able to correspond with
Frantz Fanon
and many of the other ideologues at the time
five years he studied language
Persian language
he also studied philosophy
sociology and history
very important topics
he got a PhD at the end of it
in the resistance struggle
so for example he was once arrested
for participating in a rally
in support of Patrice Lumumba
so these are people who are connected
to the global struggle
he knew what was happening in Congo
what was happening in Algeria
what was happening in Egypt
what was happening of course in Iran
so this was an opportunity to grow
and to understand the bigger picture
how things were being done elsewhere
in the Muslim world
of course Kotob we all know
most people may not know
he spent two years in Washington DC
he wrote a diary
which is now a book
of his experiences there
they're quite eventful
I mean if you have time to read it
it's quite interesting
he makes a very very cutting critique
of western society
and norms
but he went there to learn
to be a teacher
he went there to learn to be a teacher
another thing is
they were both teachers by profession
so Kotob comes back after two years
and he has a very very
bitter taste in his mouth
he didn't like what he saw in America
many things
I mean there are many insights
into his experiences there
so Shariati does the same thing
they all come back home eventually
and when all three come back home
they don't start a new organisation
they join existing organisations
these are all insights
they learn from scratch
they don't have to start a new organisation
they just join an organisation
that's already on the ground
and they push it forward
so Sayyid Kotob joins
the Muslim Brotherhood
so Mohammed Iqbal joins
the Indian League
and Shariati joins
the National Front for Iranian Liberation
so they join existing organisations
and there they begin to grow
and people are pulled in
by the message
and this is very important
because when we think of
who's going to revive the Ummah
it's not going to necessarily be
those who are picking up weapons
and I keep repeating this again
the pen is really mightier than the sword
it's the pen that can push the sword
or lift the guns
these are the people who are going to
generate a revival in the Ummah
it's going to be the intellectual class
it's going to be the thinkers
it's going to be those who are able to
persuade large amounts of people
and to eventually carry out
whatever is necessary for the cause
the intellectual class
these are the people who are going to
drive any change in society
they're going to be the ones
who drive change in society
so I find a lot of importance in
literature, history, sociology
this is very important for Muslims
who need to focus on these kind of things
those of us who live in the West
have an opportunity that others don't have
rather than complaining
often times about what's happening
about sex, morality, deprivation
whatever we want
we could actually serve
a greater purpose in the West
both to the host nations
but also to those back home
the Muslims back home
because we are literally living
in an experiment
nowhere in time have Muslims been living
in non-Muslim nations in such numbers
nowhere in time
so we're living through an experiment
and we have unique insights
unique opportunities to understand
the traditions
the ways of doing things in the West
that others back home don't have
we can also make advocacy for them
so we have so many opportunities
that we may not be maximizing on
we may not be seeing the opportunities
we have at our hands right now
but we have opportunities
living in the West
so the revolution begins in the mind
always
and I like to think that
we still have opportunities
to make positive change
so Shariati leaves France
after three years
after five years sorry
as a PhD
so when he goes back to Iran
he is arrested
now his arrest and his career
as somebody being arrested
begins before he even leaves Iran
because he was joining public protests
he was actually part of those youngsters
who wanted to make a change in society
and he'll be arrested for that
he'll be detained for that
eventually he's granted a
scholarship to study in Paris
which is why he left Iran
in 59
and spent five years abroad
he's also arrested in Paris
but on his way back
when he arrives in Iran in 64
he is arrested on the spot
and then detained
for a couple of weeks
but when they release him
he's able to be
he's recruited for one of the local universities
where he begins his
you could say professional career
and this is where
his career catapults
because he has now
a young audience
the future intellectual class
the university students
and he has the ears
so this is where he begins to
promulgate and teach his ideas
what he thought about
Frantz Fanon, Sartre
the revolution
how we're going to be independent people
more importantly
he began to criticise
the western establishments
those who were effectively
serving the western interests
that's what they were doing
they were just here
to keep us asleep
docile and weak
while they serve their masters
while puppeteering them
what we need is a revolution
we need a revolution
we need new people who are going to come about
who are going to work for the cause of revival
and also for the victory and liberation of this nation
so he begins to promote this idea
he would say things such as
you must die so others can live
and that this is the way to salvation
you will be honoured
and you will be raised in the ranks in the next life
so he began to really
in want of a better word
radicalise the youth
with his lectures
then he travelled to Tehran
where he would also give lectures
and his lectures became very popular
so now beyond the student body
you had also the professionals
and those who were on a higher
economic social strata
also following him
and listening to him
and reading what he was writing
and being effectively drawn into his message
so he works diligently
over the years effectively
preparing the grounds
for what would eventually become
a full-blown revolution
by the time he dies
it's a full-blown revolution
and Khomeini emerges
so he is the one who made effectively
did all the groundwork
galvanising people with his pen
organising, calling people
getting the students involved
getting the youngsters involved
getting the patrons involved
however he doesn't live to see 47
he doesn't live to see Pakistan established
but he is the ideological founder of Pakistan
in a similar vein
Ali Shariat is the ideological founder
of Iran
or the Islamic Republic of Iran
he is the one who made all the initial
ideological arguments
for cases
so that it was possible
for somebody else to come along
and drive the movement
he was effectively arrested several times
SAVAK which is the secret services
in Iran
the Shah's secret services
effectively CIA
equivalent to CIA or Mossad
in Iran it was SAVAK
they were persecuting him
for obvious reasons
he became dangerous
and they arrested him
fleeing for his life and safety
he left Iran and he went to England
Southampton
so he came to England
but he died a few
very shortly thereafter he died
now the circumstance of his death
has been argued and debated
some people say he was poisoned by SAVAK
others say he died of a heart failure
it's not really
it depends on who you ask effectively
but he died very shortly thereafter
in 77
two years before
the revolution became successful
so he doesn't live to see
the fruit of his
ideological work
effectively
yeah Southampton
so interesting
and when he dies his body is taken back
to the Muslim world
but he is buried in Damascus
right next to
Zainab bint Ali
the granddaughter of Muhammad
through Ali
his granddaughter
is buried next to her
so that gives you an estimate
as to how much people
how much reverence he had for him
so he's buried next to
the granddaughter of Muhammad
in Damascus
this is a man who's had really
a short career
because he died at the age of 44
but a tremendous impact
in the Muslim world
tremendous impact
very intelligent man
and I really found this interesting
it's the idea of the red Shia
the red Shia and the black Shia
I found it very interesting
so his book the red Shia
is actually red Shi'ism
has been translated into English
you can find it readily available
he devised the Shia
hegemony into two parts
one is the red block
and one is a black block
okay
the red block represents
you could say the revolutionary arm
those that are willing to die
for justice
if you remember when we talked about
the Umayyad politics
we mentioned various schools
the Khawarij, the Khawarij school
the Sunni school, the Shia school
and within the Shia school
there are two distinctive factors
number one
the ruler has to be of the Ahlul Bayt
that's one thing
lineage is very important
but secondly
he has to fight for justice
that's one of the
of course things develop later on very differently
he had two strands of Shia schools
but that was the principal
distinctive factor
between Sunni and Shia
besides being Ahlul Bayt
the second one you have to fight
tyranny
and struggle for justice
even if it costs you your life
so the red Tashayyah
the red Shia movement
he revived this idea that
it's not good enough
to follow the rituals
you need to fight
so that justice is established in society
you need to be able to fight against corrupt tyranny
against for example the Shah
these are kings and emperors
and we follow Imams
you need to fight for this to be removed
so you can replace it with a
righteous ruler
somebody who follows the traditions of the Imams
so this
when we talk of the red Tashayyah
we're talking about Karbala
as we know that's a central pillar
that follows in the Shia tradition
Imam Al Hussain
he dies for what is right
he spills his blood for what is right
and this is an exemplary figure
for the rest of all the Shia Imams
that you have to fight for justice
it's not good enough just to be a Muslim
you need to be able to fight
to reestablish justice
and in many ways
when you look at
often times if you look at
the political edge only
the political dimensions
many people who consider themselves Sunni
are actually Shia
let me measure my words
from a political perspective
many people who consider themselves Sunni
are actually Shia
because when you say for example
the Sunni tradition is to be patient
is to avoid the greater harm
even if it means
subduing yourself to a tyrannical leader
or government
that is a Sunni traditional aspect
we can have
we are allowed to have
corrupt leaders
so long as the greater good
is achieved by that
but somebody may say
I don't believe in that
we need to have only righteous rulers
we need to fight Tawarit
well that is exactly what the Shia
Shia tradition
for the most part stands for
it's not good enough just to be a good Muslim
you need to fight for the right system
and the rightful leaders to be in position
justice matters
in this theory
it's one that is not happy
with tyrannical leaders
it's willing to make a movement
that's going to challenge
and in fact change everything
it's reformative
he also was preaching against
Beda'a effectively
that came into the Shia tradition
we need to go back to the early sources
the early traditions
the early format of Shia Islam
and give up all the Khorafat effectively
and all these
folklorish practices
let's go back to the pristine form
of what Shia tradition was
let's go back to the first generations
also armed struggle
so Jihad was now brought back
whereas Fanon talked about
armed struggle and rebellion
and the Marxist talked about armed struggle
he talked about Jihad
and he actually argued that Islam has everything
that all the other movements have
all the ingredients are already in Islam
we don't need to go and become Marxists
or capitalists
or socialists
or communists
everything is in Islam
all the good parts are in Islam
all we need to do is find and implement
we don't have to adapt from somebody else's ideology
so armed struggle
is covered in Islam
it's called Jihad
in fact it's even better in Islam
because with Islam it doesn't die when you die
there is an afterlife
you become a Shaheed
you become a Muslim
so Jihad is central
in his ideology
it's central
and he would talk of for example
the sacrifice of those who accompanied
Al Hussein at Karbala
those who fought with him
they were Mujahideen
then they were Shuhada
so these are the examples we need to follow
if we want to become again
a successful people
and of course it's dynamic
and theocratic
we just become
practicing and we don't talk about politics
no, politics is a part of our reality
we have to be involved in politics
so he wanted to reawaken people
to the reality of being involved
in events happening around the world
particularly in Iran
and the political agenda is being set
we have to take power
no longer accepting the idea that
Islam is not political
which essentially is a form of
secularism
when we say Islam is not political
what are you saying?
Islam doesn't have a political edge
it's almost secularizing Islam
to just being rituals
so now we need to bring it back
the entire package of Islam
which involves Siyasiyah
Jihad
and all these things
that make a movement dynamic
so that is the Red Deshayyo
now this is not in the books
but I've kind of inferred
that the color red could be
associated with these movements
that was a color often associated
with the red peril
and he applied it to Shia
tradition and ideology
so you have red
rather than following the red model
of the Russians
he had a Shia version
which is a red Deshayyo
now the opposite of that
is the black Deshayyo
the black Shia block
what does that stand for?
well he says
the Battle of Karbala
all the way down to the Battle of Kaldiran
in 1514
this is when
Sultan Selim I
went against Shah Ismail I
who founded the Safavid dynasty
and had a massive battle
that was a point in time
when Iran became fully
and officially Shia
but also majority Shia population
there was an exchange
perhaps no time for that today
but there was an exchange
and the Shia tradition
became official in Iran
from that moment onwards
but the reason why he said Kaldiran
Kaldiran is a moment in time
when there is a distinction
between black Shia and red Shia
everything before that
the people of the Deshayyo
used to fight
they used to struggle
with armed resistance
they would give up their lives
but up until that moment in time
when Selim actually conquered
and effectively seclusion
and spent the rest of his life
writing poetry
in effect he gave up the struggle
so from that moment onwards
the policy was
let's just wait for the Imam to arrive
let's just wait for the Mahdi to arrive
and again from political perspective
many Sunnis follow that tradition
do nothing
the Mahdi will come and fix it
so he said no no no
this is all part of
the lazy conformative
Shia tradition
designed to keep us asleep effectively
so from that moment onwards
all the way down to his time
he considered all of that effectively
what
Qutb would have considered
Jahiliyya
because Qutb also divides time right
Ayyam al-Jahiliyya
is the Jahili epoch
and the Muslim world was in darkness
for such a long time
we became basically Jahili again
so according to his tradition
it was red up until
the battle of Kaldiran
then it became black
conformative
so that means you don't challenge oppression
or oppressive governments
you just conform to survive
patience and abstinence
don't fight just be patient
sabr
wait for the Imam to arrive
wait for the Mahdi to arrive
and this is how people were being kept
effectively in their place
and it was heavily governed
by the rulers
so effectively he
wanted people to move away from this
form of manipulative Shia
ideology
towards a more pragmatic and practical form
the red Shia
so he actually
it's a rhetorical device
because this didn't exist in reality
red and black
but he created a framework
and he presented it
which one do you want to be in
and of course the youth
and we want to be champions of virtue
rather than being accomplices
of vice and immorality
which at the time
was actually considered
basically the white revolution
was considered westernization
vice immorality
so we get this idea
and effectively he leaves this behind
for others to inherit
and to basically fight
towards a common cause
a noble cause
so at the time
brother Yusuf
after the battle of Kaldiran
there were many Shia
who were residing in the
Ottoman regions
empire
and there were many Sunnis
who were residing in Iran
Iran is actually mostly Sunni
but following the battle
there was a population exchange
so the Sunnis who were in Iran
were to leave
and the Shias in the Ottoman realms
were to leave and to go to Iran
and so there's a concentration of
Shia population now in Iran
that's why it became a population
that was majority Shia
and the state religion was Shia
doctrine
so that's the moment in time
when it became a separation
between Sunni and Shia world
and Shia doctrine was consolidated
at that point onwards
so the Safavid empire
and Shah Ismail
and the Safavid region
so his catch phrase
or one of the famous
pronouncement was
you must die
so that others can live
you must die so others can live
be prepared to give your life
so others can live
so he called people to be
shuhada effectively
and surprisingly enough
there were many many people
receptive to this
many people, the young people
of the establishment
to hate this kind of thing, rhetoric
by university lecturer
an intellectual
who's going around radicalizing people
and getting them to actually
commit to this
very powerful message
so now
I want to paint the image
because again it's quite complicated
when you look at what happened in Iran
often times you will hear
the CIA, the MI6 set the Shah up
so they betrayed him
and then they left him
other times you will hear that no
the CIA was backing Khomeini
he was a CIA asset
so he was also being backed
then you hear no actually no
the USSR at the time
the Soviet Union
was supporting the Todai party
which is where Mossadegh
was actually of that party
and they sabotaged
the Shah's administration
so there were many back and forth
then you will hear for example
what was true
and to the French
to the British as well
and to the Russians
because they had oil interests in there
but at the same time
he was also on a domestic front
he was engaged with both
the clerical
you could say pillar
including Khomeini
and also those who were socialists
the students
those who wanted to have
a more liberal
ideals of the Todai party
he reached out to them
he wanted to win them over
but more so
towards the latter part of his career
he sided more towards
the clerics
which is very strange
but you will understand why
he went towards the clerics
so he sided more
he allowed them to build masjids
he built something like
3,700 mosques
he allowed only the clerics
from gathering
and having political agency
so he decided to actually
fight one with the other
if he had to choose a poison
he would rather go for the clerics
rather than going with
or allowing the communists
to take root in Iran
so he sided with the clerics
but it's a very dirty game
it's a very dirty game
because he is effectively
betrayed by everybody
he has a deal with
effectively he is
the white revolutionary
and he is trying to juggle
the red and the black
which one is more harmful to me
and which one can I set up
against the other one
while at the same time
working with America and France
to keep the Russians away
the foreign enemy
so there is a lot of
political play at work there
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