王軍濤：17歲被打成反革命坐牢 89六四 為何堅持民主運動

The Four People's Party is fighting for young people, so it has to reform the college entrance exam system. It has to restore the college entrance exam system, right? So that college students can go to school again. It wants to use this method to train these young people who can fight with the Four People's Party. The Four People's Party has promoted three kinds of people. But at the same time, it says that it can't get rid of the source water. In the short term, if you want to promote, you have to oppose the Four People's Party. I happened to be in prison in 1976, so in 1978, I had a big change in my life. At that time, I was informed that I would participate in the National Team 10, as a member of the National Team 10. As a result, I was notified and sent to Beidai during the meeting. At that time, I was admitted to the Department of Nuclear Physics of Beidai. This is particularly in line with Deng Xiaoping's standards. When I reported, I became a member of the chairman's team. I was notified that I was a member of the chairman's team. When I reported, I became a member of the chairman's team. In addition, I became the chairman of the day. I always joke with others. Although I joined the Central Committee of the National Team five years earlier than Li Keqiang and Hu Jintao, because I joined them in 1983 or 1982. I joined them in 1978. I joined the National Team 10. But at that time, I thought that we were going to engage in political reform. So I gave up all this. Then I started to engage in democracy. Democracy is actually to solve the fifth modernization of Mr. Wei Jingsheng's reform. At that time, we supported Deng Xiaoping in 1976 and 1975. We said that China should engage in four modernizations. Don't engage in political movements anymore. But in 1979, Deng Xiaoping and I split up. In addition to the four modernizations, China has the fifth modernization, which is political democratization. Without political democratization, the four modernizations would be lost. Then I started. Later, when it came to the Democratic Wall, Deng Xiaoping started to support it. Because at that time, he wanted to stay with Mao Zedong. Deng Xiaoping wanted to stay with Mao Zedong. Wang Dongxing and Hua Guofeng were in power. Deng Xiaoping wanted to be with them. Deng Xiaoping needed the young people of the Democratic Wall to support Deng Xiaoping. But in 1980, Deng Xiaoping took away all the power of Hua Guofeng and Mao Zedong. Deng Xiaoping started to split up with the young people of the Democratic Wall. Deng Xiaoping started to suppress the Democratic Wall. At that time, I was confused. But I felt very sad. At that time, there was a saying that if you drink, you must drink. If you drink, you must get drunk. If you get drunk, you must throw up. If you throw up, you must sleep. I was really upset all day long. I was very upset. I think the Chinese are too bad. We are calling for their power. They followed Deng Xiaoping to scold us. Deng Xiaoping went to pick us up. They also followed Deng Xiaoping to pick us up. I felt very painful at that time. But this part of history will come out soon. I think we should invest in the middle of the reform. Your second visit to China was in 1989. There is still a long way to go. Yes, there is still a long way to go. When I was in college, when the Democratic Wall was suppressed, there was an election in Beijing. At that time, the Communist Party also summarized Wang Daming's teaching. In the future, there will be no personal worship. Some political reforms will restore the election. In the election, the candidates are allowed to introduce themselves. The candidates are allowed to introduce themselves. We launched an election campaign in Beijing. I was the second to be elected in Peking University. Mr. Wu Ping was the first. This part of history shocked the Communist Party. At that time, I remember... What did you choose? It doesn't matter. The key is to show a kind of superstition in the election. It shocked the Communist Party. For example, at the National People's Congress, someone asked him a question. Are you a Communist Party member? He said no. The president applauded him. He later said, I am not a Communist Party member. My family has not had a Communist Party member in the last three generations. The president's applause was even louder. As a result, this old bear was excited. He stood up and said, My family has not had a Communist Party member in the last three generations. The president's applause was even louder. You know, the senior officials of the Communist Party were very shocked. Chen Yun said, The Party is crazy. Life and death depend on the Party. At the same time, he said, Blood is thicker than water. You should be promoted from cadres to successors. In fact, I think I have gone further with the Communist Party. Because the Communist Party began to suppress the election. The election should be said to be after the Communist Party's political reform. The young college students responded to the political reform. As a result, he suppressed it. This group of students knew that the Communist Party's reform was false. It was to consolidate its rule. So these people went on the anti-Communist Party road without hesitation. But after graduating from college, I was assigned to the Institute of Origin. In that place, I also did some research for two years. But my heart was still on the political reform. So in 1984, I graduated in 1982 and went from Peking University to there. In 1984, When the Chinese Communist Party implemented economic and political reform, I resigned from my position. I left the position of the Institute of Origin. I went to Hubei and Wuhan. I wanted to set up a Huangpu military school. Because I was not engaged in the army, I was engaged in business. After the economic reform, I wanted to train entrepreneurs. So I set up a school called Jiangxia Night School. It was to train young entrepreneurs. Jiangxia Night School. I designed the courses myself. In the middle, some of the courses are national college entrance exams, self-study college entrance exams, and elective college entrance exams. After the students graduated, they took the exam and obtained the national certificate. Some of the courses were created by us. Did the Chinese Communist Party admit it? Yes, they admitted it. You register according to the education team. Why did they encourage it? Because at that time, there were a lot of double-employees in Wuhan. If their children couldn't go to college, and they didn't have a job, they would come to the society. We did this because we wanted to give you high school students a chance to go to college. Because at that time, we rented some primary and secondary schools. We invited the best professors in China to teach them. We explained the university courses. But what we participated in was the self-study exam and the elective college entrance exam. After the exam, you still had to take the national certificate. The teachers were also very good. If these students were willing to learn, the percentage was still very high. The parents were also very happy. We paid one or two hundred yuan. Once you learn, you are like an ostrich. It saves you from committing a crime in society. There were also people taking care of them. So I think doing this was actually quite supportive at the time. But then something happened. At that time, in 1985, Beijing University students commemorated the 918 Incident and there was a fierce conflict between the school and the government. Then the school dynasty spread all over the country. At that time, the two most important schools were Beijing University and the University of Huazhong Sunan. I happened to be in Wuhan, at the University of Huazhong Sunan. At that time, I was in charge of a medical education center. This had nothing to do with me. But the Communist Party investigated these two schools, especially the University of Huazhong Sunan, and found out that I was the only person in these two schools who could get along. So they chased me around and blocked me. They blocked me and sent me back to Beijing. After returning to Beijing, I joined some research institutes run by our old friends like Chen Ziming and Li Shengping, as well as some companies. This was a very large organization. There were more than 200,000 students in the Han Shou School. After we finished our studies at this school, the Communist Party thought that we had developed into a big threat to them. I was sentenced in 1989 because in 1989, the students thought I was a first-generation student. I told them that we had a competition in Peking University. They thought I was a first-generation student, so they came to me for consultation. Step by step, I was dragged into the movement. Wang Dan was the student representative Yes, Wang Dan and some other people. Because Peking University was the center of the national academic movement, our older students had an influence on the younger students. Because Hu Ping and I were both veterans. Hu Ping also went abroad, so I was the most influential. The society came to me and asked me to help them communicate with the students and solve their problems. When they came to me, I gave them some suggestions. But later on, the situation became more and more tense. I had to go to the front of the stage and organize the Tiananmen Square Command. I gave them some arrangements. Until the shooting started, the system didn't change. Later on, when the movement was suppressed, I was accused of being the mastermind. I was sentenced to 13 years in prison. I spent four and a half years in prison. The President of the United States, Clinton, asked me to be sent to New York from the detention center. Was it to save your life? No, there were no formalities. So later on, I was sent to New York. Later on, I asked my father to ask the Director of the Justice Department, Mr. Du Zhongxin. He visited me at the Justice Department. He told me that it was to protect my life. I asked my father who protected me. Who signed the document? How much was the fine? He told me that he would wait until later and discuss it with me before filing the formalities. But later on, the formalities were never filed. So it wasn't to protect your life. No. The report in Chinese was to protect my life. The report in English said that I was sent to the United States So it wasn't really a medical issue, right? Actually, China and the United States wanted to improve China's human rights so that the United States would be able to give China a democratic country. So Beijing responded and made a compromise to give us a positive response. They sent me to the United States to show their willingness to improve human rights. Chinese politicians at the time said that if the Communist Party wanted to change a radical role, it had to start with the case. If they released Wang Jingdao today, they would release more people according to Wang Jingdao's standards. At that time, the problem of the 1989 issue could be solved. So this is what they estimated at the time. So the West accepted it. And it was a big deal for me. When you were in prison, in 1990, did you think it would end like this? I said that I wouldn't be in prison for more than five years. Of course, I was released after four and a half years. Why didn't you think so? Sometimes I think because people like me and my case, no matter how many years they are sentenced, at a certain time, they must be released. Because if they are not released, it's not good for their health. So for so many years, you have been exiled to the United States. And then you established the Chinese Democratic Party. And you are the chairman of the National Committee. Chairman. With Wang Youcai. Yes, he is the chairman of the National Committee. After so many years, do you think there must have been some difficulties in your life? How did you overcome such difficulties? I don't think there were any difficulties. How can you persist until now? Maybe there were some difficulties. But after that, I didn't think about it. At that time, I didn't take many things too seriously. Sometimes you think you are doing this. You can only do this. If you do something else, you won't feel at ease. I am such a person. If you let me go one day, for example, I like to go to places, let me drive a car to see. If I delay the activity, I feel very uncomfortable. Sometimes in order to live comfortably, you have to do what you want to do most. Don't waste the light, don't waste youth, don't waste time. So I have heard some people, for example, there are some shakeups. I have never had such a feeling I was very touched when I saw that you were leading your party at the crossroads of the world Now I see that more and more young people are joining, including young people from mainland China to the United States. Basically, every week, you will lead them in the Times Square and shout slogans. Why do you insist on doing this kind of movement? What do you think this kind of movement means? The first meaning of this kind of movement is that we continue to raise the banner of opposition to the Communist Party to overthrow the Communist Party. Many people in China wrote that the Communist Party is going to be crushed by a piece of straw. This piece of straw can't be too small. But if you are not the last straw, if you don't do this straw, if everyone doesn't do it, the last straw won't arrive because it must be a big piece so that the last straw will be useful. So I think that we should act first and then move forward Otherwise, even if history thinks that we can do something now, if no one does it, it won't work. Secondly, for me, being a Democratic Party or a World Party, I have to educate and train my own party members. This kind of movement is a good place to train. By shouting slogans and doing these things, the people will know what a democratic movement is. In the future, when we return to China, we can do something for the people. Generally speaking, people who just came out of the Communist Party often make a mistake. They think everything is democratic. But in fact, these things are against the rules. And the results are not good. For example, if you fill this place with something, the effect will not have a big impact on the Communist Party. So I think for us, we have to educate every party member to learn how to do democratic actions. Of course, the last thing I think is that we are actually really fighting against the Communist Party today. It's not 1.4 billion people. 1.4 billion people are ruled by the Communist Party. The real fight against the Communist Party is to educate a minority of people. I think we should be in a place of freedom and peace. We should encourage them to keep doing what they are doing. Because as I said before, when I went to the Times Square, they said that 1.4 billion people didn't listen, but it didn't matter. But as long as the people in jail listen to us, I think we are worth it. Because we promote historical progress. We have to be brave and walk in front of the people. They are playing chess. They have to wake up the people. I have experience. In 1989, I was sentenced to 13 years in prison. I was sent to the second prison in Beijing. On July 11th, I was in jail on April 2nd. On July 11th, it was my birthday. I received a letter from Mr. Wang. Mr. Wang said that health is the essence of revolution. Take care of yourself. I was very touched. Later, I found out that I had received a large amount of money. At that time, someone organized an event He asked the whole world to write a letter to me. He said he received a large amount of money, but he didn't pass the trial. They said that Mr. Wang has a bright future, and we have to fight with them. Later, only this one was mentioned on the letter. He said that health is the essence of revolution and passed the trial. I was very excited I knew that there were people outside who cared about me. I thought that even if 14 people don't care about me, they will be encouraged by my name. In fact, they are the ones who change the hope of China. Those 1.4 billion people are sleeping. Only they can wake them up. Because we are still overseas. So I think that every time we read their names we have to support them, protest and persecute them. In fact, these senior officials are the ones who hold the light in the dark of China. Because this light illuminates the future of China. So we have to help them. This is my third goal. Some people say, how can you persist? I don't think it is persistence. I think it is a mission. Those who have a mission think that persistence is like suffering. But I think it is a righteous thing. I don't think so. When I think it is something worth doing, I feel relieved and happy. So I don't think it is persistence. I think it is a mission. I should do it. Of course, we all know that the activists of the Democratic Movement have made great efforts and made great sacrifices. For example, you can't go back to China to see your family. How do you see these sacrifices? In fact, exile is only one thing. Some people say that exile is painful because they are too obsessed with their country. In fact, exile is a good learning opportunity. It gives you freedom and allows you to develop yourself. In the future, you can participate in the reform of China. The only pain of exile is when your family is not around and you can't attend their farewell ceremony. This is the most painful time. But sometimes, if you think about it carefully, this is also a price. You can't say that you are against the Communist Party. You can't say that you are the same as those who are not against the Communist Party. The Communist Party won't let you go. So I think when you meet such an unruly person who persecutes you, you will feel proud. Because the Communist Party cares about what you are doing. On June 4th, we saw Wang Dan come to Toronto. You came from New York to Toronto on June 4th. May 26th. Yes, May 26th. Both of you came from the US to Toronto to participate in the 35th anniversary of June 4th. 35 years later, of course, you and Wang Dan fought side by side on August 9th and June 4th. After 35 years, both of you commemorated June 4th together. At that time, the CCP had not yet fallen. How did you feel when you met again? You were still engaged in the democratic movement. We actually met a lot. For example, he was the chairman of the Democratic Consultative Group. When he was engaged in Dialogue China, I was the convener of Dialogue China. Most of his team was me, and most of my team was him. We were holding a meeting in November this year. So we didn't feel like we had anything to do with each other. It was just a joke. Jiang Zemin taught Li Peng how to speak English. Li Peng said, how are you? Jiang Zemin said, how are you? Li Peng said, how are you? Jiang Zemin said, how are you? Li Peng said, how are you? We've been sitting here especially in a globalized world, where transportation is so convenient. So almost every month we can meet at some big events. at every big event. We didn't meet in June and April this year because he was in L.A. and I was in the U.S. for four marketing events in the Middle East. So we didn't meet. But we will meet again in August in Los Angeles. So you will continue the discussion of the State Council. In September, we will meet again but in August, we will meet again We will meet again That's all for this episode. Thank you for watching. See you next time.