State of Play: The Story of Europe, Part 6 Final Episode | Full Historical Documentary

Ancient Europe: History, culture and Humans
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I'm Christopher Clarke, Cambridge historian.
I was born in Australia.
For Europeans, that's practically the other end of the world.
But the European continent and its incredible diversity always fascinated me.
Even in the far-off country where I grew up,
I was always aware that so much of our world has its roots in Europe.
And modern Europe is one of the greatest achievements in human history.
I want to share the grand saga of this continent.
And in the process, I hope to rediscover its wonders for myself.
Europe, no other continent on Earth,
has as much natural and cultural diversity crammed into such a small area.
The tension between unity and division has been one of the central themes of European history.
And today, it is still the cardinal question facing Europe's political leaders.
The European continent was in a constant state of flux,
not just politically, but also in its mental life.
Everything was called into question.
For every idea, there was a counter-idea.
A kind of restlessness has always characterized the intellectual life of Europe.
The most diverse cultures collide in the confined and fragmented space of the European peninsula.
And the result was almost always violence.
Europe, a continent at war.
In no other part of the world has there been such intense and sustained fighting
over power, religion and dominance.
Again and again, Europeans have striven to make peace.
Some peace settlements were robust and durable, others were not.
The world's most devastating wars originated on this continent.
The First World War, the seminal catastrophe of the 20th century.
The Second World War changed the face of Europe forever.
Here in Kiev, in Ukraine, the battles were particularly ferocious.
Hitler wants to subjugate Europe and challenge the global hegemony of the English-speaking peoples.
The Nazis' demented expansion plans, their campaign for Lebensraum,
ends in unparalleled destruction and crimes against humanity.
The Second World War left Europe in ruins and sundered the continent into two zones of influence.
The Allies have won the war and together they want to shape the peace.
US President Truman, Soviet dictator Stalin and British Prime Minister Churchill
will divide the continent between them.
I have travelled to Reims in France, where the German Wehrmacht signed its unconditional surrender in 1945.
In 1962, the German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and the French President Charles de Gaulle
come to this city to celebrate the reconciliation of their two countries.
The French greet Adenauer with rousing cheers,
something that was not to be taken for granted, especially in this city.
It was an important moment for Europe when two statesmen from Germany and France,
Konrad Adenauer and Charles de Gaulle,
specifically chose Reims as the location to hold a mass of reconciliation.
For many Germans, Reims was the place where the Wehrmacht had signed an agreement
of unconditional surrender to the Allies at the American headquarters on the 7th of May 1945.
For the French, the symbolic importance of Reims was even greater.
This was where the coronations of French kings had been held.
The cathedral was severely damaged by German artillery fire at the beginning of World War I.
In fact, Reims was so completely devastated and suffered so many deaths during the First World War
that it was granted the official title of Ville Martyr, Martyr City.
And now, 17 years after an even more horrific World War, history turned a corner.
Hostility made way for friendship.
It was miracles of reconciliation like this that laid the foundations of a united Europe.
The mass for reconciliation is the beginning of a budding relationship between the two peoples
and a successful partnership between the German Chancellery and the Élysée Palace,
a partnership that would become the heart of the European community
and the principal motor of its political evolution.
It remains so even today.
Redemption and relief after centuries of animosity.
The two countries' shared Christian roots were a great help in this process.
But is Christianity still a factor in these relationships?
Go into a church in Western Europe and you may well find it empty even during the religious service.
And yet, when I travel in Europe, I'm constantly struck by the deep imprint Christianity has left
on all domains of European life.
The endless variety of ecclesiastical buildings, the omnipresence of religious images in art and music.
Europe is often described as a secular or post-Christian continent, and you can see why.
But the wellspring is not entirely dry, and the continuing power of this tradition should not be underestimated.
Even within the circle of Europe's political leaders, there are signs of a revival of Christian commitments.
As an Australian, I come from a continent with no internal political borders.
Europe still has national borders, of course, even if they're open and barely visible today.
Here, for example, in Leidingen, in Saarland, one town, two countries.
Here, in this little village, we can experience European history firsthand.
In 1814, after the Congress of Vienna, this road became the border between Germany and France,
carving up the village that the great powers had treated as a pawn for the previous 200 years.
Sometimes it was French, sometimes it was German.
Now it's one thing above all, European.
But there are still differences between the two parts of the village.
Here I'm in France, in Lorraine, and on the other side of the road is the German state of Saarland.
They have two fire departments and two mail services, but one language unites the people here,
the Moselle-Franconian dialect that has survived on both sides of the border.
I'm meeting with the two mayors of Leidingen. What does Europe mean to them?
We feel like Europeans.
They took away the French flag and made it European.
The difference is that the French baker brings the baguette,
not the black bread, like on the German side.
The German baker brings the German bread.
In the neutral street, there are two different bakers.
So you have different kinds of food.
Things that belong together, for all of their differences, are finally growing together in Europe.
Another town, another border.
This fence still stands as a reminder of a bygone era.
It divided not only the town of Meut Laroit and the families that lived there,
it also separated Germany and Europe into East and West.
The East German regime even built a wall through this town that looked a little like the one in Berlin.
The border dividing Germany, cutting through the heart of Europe,
is expanded and reinforced throughout the 1960s.
The East German government refers to it as an anti-fascist protective rampart.
In fact, its true purpose is to ensure that no more East German citizens can escape to the West.
More than 3 million people had already done so by 1961 when the wall was built.
Fleeing the Eastern Republic means risking death.
In the 1970s, relations between East and West begin to thaw.
For the first time, a West German chancellor visits the East, Willy Brandt.
The goal is to achieve gradual change through rapprochement between the two states.
West Germany signs treaties with Moscow and Warsaw,
and Willy Brandt is awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts.
One important objective of these agreements is the avoidance of war.
But the period of détente doesn't last long.
After all, the tension between these two very different worldviews is fundamental to the global political order.
Communism and dictatorship on one side, capitalism and democracy on the other.
Life is more hectic and more prosperous in the West.
The border between the two blocs slices straight through the heart of Europe.
Only a few European countries remain outside these blocs.
Sweden and Finland, Ireland, Austria, Switzerland and Yugoslavia.
By the end of the 1970s, the two blocs are engaged in a fierce arms race.
Throughout this ideological and geopolitical conflict, there are always phases of escalation and détente.
The benefits and risks of deterrence are the subject of heated debate in the West well into the mid-1980s.
Military exercises for a war that can never be allowed to happen.
Any open conflict in this atmosphere would inevitably have gone beyond a mere exchange of blows.
Both sides have massive stockpiles of nuclear weapons.
The heart of Europe is a potential battlefield in an escalating nuclear standoff.
The events of August 1980 finally spell the beginning of the end for a divided Europe.
Strikes and protests erupt in Poland, calling for greater freedom under the communist dictatorship.
They are spurred on by the Solidarnosc Labor Union and with the blessing and assistance of a Polish Pope,
who believes that solidarity and political freedom are Christian and European values.
And suddenly, Europe's division seems surmountable.
It's Moscow, of all places, that sets the avalanche in motion.
In 1985, the new Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, launches a sweeping transformation of the Soviet system.
Gorbachev, an extraordinary statesman whose broad and humane vision restarted European history.
Worse than being blind is not wanting to see.
It was Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, of all people, who said that.
His political heirs didn't want to see.
The communist system of government collapsed because it was forced upon the people by a political elite.
It was a regime of hyper-regulation that led to shortages and underdevelopment.
Mikhail Gorbachev famously remarked,
Whether he ever uttered this elegant aphorism in exactly those words is disputed,
but we do know for certain that he made the following statement in front of the East German Politburo, and I quote,
And indeed, after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989,
an enormous wave of change rolled across Eastern Europe and ultimately the whole of the continent.
And Leningrad became St. Petersburg once again.
The turning point comes in 1989, 200 years after French revolutionaries stormed the Bastille prison in Paris.
Both revolutions bring down autocratic regimes.
The Berlin Wall, a long-standing symbol of oppression, finally falls.
The people peacefully push open the gate to unity.
Some of Germany's European partners are initially unsettled when the country begins to consider reunification,
but the European community stands by its commitments to freedom and self-determination.
And the European Union has the opportunity to grow.
Increasing numbers of former Eastern Bloc countries join its ranks,
including Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Slovenia.
Gradually, a community with its roots in the West becomes a union of 28 states throughout Europe.
Our journey through the history of Europe shows just how much this continent has already achieved.
Europe has learned from its history.
It's put the battlefields behind it.
It's formed its own union.
Conflict and uneasy coexistence became partnership, earning the EU the Nobel Peace Prize.
The prize was well deserved, but the Union can't afford to rest on its laurels.
Peace and security in Europe are being put to the test right now in a way we haven't seen since the Cold War.
The European Union is increasingly going to have to take responsibility for its own security
and rely less on external support.
The Ukraine conflict made this crystal clear as Europe drifted into a new East-West conflict.
After Russia, Ukraine is the largest country in Europe.
It's been independent since 1991,
but the Ukrainian government put an abrupt halt to the country's growing rapprochement with the EU in November 2013.
Protests by Western-minded Ukrainians at the Maidan Square in Kiev were the result.
The clashes at the Maidan grew more violent in the months that followed.
A new Ukrainian government was elected, but at the same time,
pro-Russian separatist forces staged an uprising in Eastern Ukraine.
This conflict between East and West permeates the entire country.
Geographically, politically and culturally, Ukraine belongs to both sides.
What do people in Kiev think of Europe today?
We haven't separated ourselves from Europe.
We believe that Europe is what it is.
Our mutual history with Russia shows some bad results which we face now.
And perhaps our European integration may cause some good results to our state.
The idea of Europe is probably one of the best values in the world.
What is the idea of Europe?
But these ideals are constantly being called into question.
Who can the citizens of Ukraine rely on?
The churches still play an important role here,
and this was clearly in evidence during the events on Maidan Square in 2013,
when police beat student protesters who had gathered to demonstrate
in favour of the association agreement with the European Union.
Some of those protesters sought refuge in this cathedral.
A priest had opened the gate to them.
The police pursued them, but only as far as the gate.
They didn't dare to venture inside the church itself.
It was the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, incidentally,
that offered a refuge to the protesters.
The Russian Orthodox authorities remained passive bystanders.
In that sense, the conflict struck at the heart of the Orthodox Church.
Most Ukrainian congregations insist on their independence
and view the Moscow Patriarchy as an extension of Russian President Putin's influence.
Vladimir Putin keeps a tight grip on the reins.
Since he won the presidential election in 1999,
he has remained firmly in the seat of power.
Putin's policy of countering Western initiatives with provocations of his own
leads to confrontation, but it plays brilliantly with the Russian population.
Military units loyal to Moscow marching into eastern Ukraine,
the Russian annexation of Crimea and Putin's involvement in Syria
are all events that bolster his strongman image.
The Kremlin even tried to manipulate the American presidential elections in 2016,
though there's still disagreement on how effective these efforts were,
and in 2017 a populist moved into the White House, Donald Trump.
National egoism is fashionable again, and it looks similar in every country.
America first again! America first!
National pride has always been a crowd-pleaser.
Long live Russia!
Europe can only continue to exist as a sovereign community
if it resists nationalist unilateralism.
But how can the continent achieve that level of sovereignty?
Only by reflecting confidently on its past,
the strengths and values that have evolved over millennia,
can Europe replenish its vision of the future.
A German politician, Theodor Heuss,
once said that modern Europe was built on three hills,
the Athenian Acropolis, meaning freedom and democracy,
the Capitoline Hill in Rome, meaning respect for the law and state authority,
and Golgotha, meaning the Christian tradition.
It's a nice piece of rhetoric, but the reality is more complex.
Many European countries have only recently embraced democracy,
and in some member states, the rule of law cannot be taken for granted.
The road to democracy was a rocky and intermittent one,
and travelling it took nearly two and a half thousand years.
The Greeks took the first steps,
but of course ancient Greek democracy didn't have much in common
with our modern parliaments or with our democratic processes,
and the first Athenian democracy only lasted for just under 200 years.
Yet ancient Athens remains our political model today.
Rome was a republic, but it wasn't a democracy.
Even if there were public assemblies and a senate,
the system wasn't immune to the whims of tyrannical rulers
who saw themselves as gods.
But it was during this era that Roman law was invented,
and the rule of law is as important to the success of democracy
as elections and parliaments.
Being part of the Roman Empire
meant being part of a perfectly organised European community
for countries and citizens alike.
Engineering, architecture, international trade and prosperity,
it's almost as though we're talking about modern Europe.
In that sense, Rome is more than just history.
It's also very much the present.
In the 9th century, the Frankish king Charlemagne
would begin to build on the foundations first laid by the Empire in Rome.
Even back then, he had a vision for Europe.
On Christmas Day in the year 800,
he is crowned Roman Emperor by the Pope,
and the glory and majesty of the Roman Empire
passes into the hands of the Franks.
Aachen, Charlemagne's favourite palace,
becomes the cultural heart of the continent,
and the Emperor a father figure to the whole of Europe.
A standardised writing system, binding laws, currency,
Charlemagne even promotes the arts and education.
Monarchy and church would continue to dominate
the public life of Europe for centuries to come.
Of course, the freedoms that we take for granted in Europe today were unknown.
But church and state were constantly at each other's throats,
and by keeping each other in check,
they created a certain room for political manoeuvre.
Popular resistance to traditional authority was another driver of change.
Martin Luther attacks the papal church
and speaks of a priesthood of all believers who answer only to God.
The Reformation spreads swiftly across Central and Northern Europe.
It creates an environment where people begin to question authority.
The spirit of revolution would only grow stronger in the centuries to come,
and the rulers of Europe would feel its effects.
Among those who bear the brunt of popular upheaval
are the French royal family.
In late 18th century France,
the crown wields the full power of the French state.
Versailles is the heart of it all,
and the king is the sun around which everything revolves.
Well, not for long.
The French Revolution erupts.
The key words of the revolutionary movement
are strident signals to the rest of Europe.
Freedom, equality, brotherhood.
The French Revolution would change the continent and the world forever.
The revolution brought the concept of the separation of powers to the fore in Europe.
In the decades that followed,
elected parliaments became increasingly common,
giving ordinary Europeans a first, albeit quiet, voice
in determining their own fate.
There has been a directly elected European parliament in Strasbourg
for nearly 40 years now.
All members of the parliament proudly speak their own languages.
This parliament is the only directly elected
supranational institution in the world.
What is Europe?
It's a place, but it's also a utopia,
an imagined land that can't be found on the map of the present.
But the search for such a utopia
has helped this continent make progress over the last 70 years.
The EU parliament, for example,
is a directly elected EU institution.
Perhaps one day this parliament will elect a European government.
An EU government based on solid democratic principles
could help Europe solve countless crises in the future.
But let's not forget, democracy is messy.
With every freedom comes a risk.
There'll never be a perfect Europe.
It's simply too diverse a place for that.
But a utopia can be a good compass if it's anchored in strong values.
The European ideal is like the stars.
We may never reach them, but they guide us on our way.
Europeans have trodden many paths in the course of their history.
In the 4th century, the entire continent was in turmoil
all the way to the shores of the Mediterranean.
From that point on, it would be the Germanic tribes
north of the Alps, and not Rome, that determined the continent's fate.
European history has never been about a single culture.
It's a conglomeration of many cultures
that have come together and broken apart again.
Europeans' relations with one another
had less to do with harmony and unity than with competition
between tribes, cities and religions.
I'm in Italy, a country where this continent's history
can still be experienced first-hand.
For me, the medieval city of Siena is a Europe in miniature.
For centuries, its 17 districts, the contrade,
have formed a community within the city walls,
yet all are in competition with each other.
And once a year, there's the palio,
a horse race in which the contrade compete against one another.
This competition is taken very seriously, and there it is again,
the old competitive spirit that once made Europe what it became.
Everyone for themselves, the community for all.
And over there in the town hall, in the 14th century,
the painter Ambrogio Lorenzetti
captured in a nutshell what it means to govern a community.
He called his work the allegory of good and bad government.
In it, you can see both sides of European history.
While the tyrant rules as a devil with horns and fangs,
the wise ruler lives for the peace and prosperity of his subjects,
flanked by the cardinal virtues.
But what happens next? How will the story continue?
Today, demagogues are everywhere in Europe,
keener on trumpeting nationalism than on strengthening the community.
They would have landed up on the dark side of Lorenzetti's depiction.
Incidentally, the cultural integration of migrants
may well have been invented here in Siena.
It's here that the first ever historically documented
language courses for foreigners were offered
to Germans who settled in the city, and that was in the year 1588.
Internal migration has a long history in Europe.
Take the Huguenots, for example.
These French Protestants were persecuted
by the Catholic majority in their home country,
and in the 17th and 18th centuries, they fled to Germany,
England, Ireland, and the English colonies in North America.
With his Edict of Potsdam,
Elector Frederick William invited tens of thousands
of migrant Huguenots to Brandenburg in 1685.
The migrants were now free to practice their religion,
and the towns where they settled benefited from their know-how
and their business sense.
Post-war Germany invited its first official guest workers,
as they were known, from Italy.
They helped Germany manage the extra workload
created by its economic revival.
Job seekers from Greece, Spain, Turkey, Morocco, Portugal,
Tunisia, and Yugoslavia followed in the 1960s,
and East Germany welcomed its own guest workers
from its socialist sister countries in Asia.
Today, it's clear that there is a strong current of migration
throughout the entire European Union.
Nearly one million Europeans move to a different country every year.
Once again, the continent is mingling and blending.
The number of immigrants from other continents, on the other hand,
has declined slightly.
The percentage of foreigners living in European countries
differs widely from place to place.
In some countries, migrants are naturalized
and no longer count as foreigners.
This is particularly the case for countries with a colonial past,
such as France or Great Britain.
Then, as now, immigration is vital
to the economic and demographic future of the European Union.
The experience of migration has also involved encounters
with other religions.
People exchange more than just goods and labor.
They also learn about each other's cultures.
Turkey, in particular, as the successor state to the Ottoman Empire,
was a gateway between East and West.
Kemal Ataturk modernized his country,
led it into independence,
and promoted a progressive version of Islam.
Education was his top priority,
and today it remains the key
to successful cultural and social integration.
According to a new study,
the majority of Muslim immigrants in Western Europe
are fully integrated into society
by the second generation at the latest.
They have rights and responsibilities
and the freedom to choose their own path in life.
Naturally, they are an equal part of European society.
They have the same inalienable rights
as all their fellow citizens,
including the right to freely practice their religion.
But the right to freedom of religion
ends when the freedoms of others are restricted or called into question.
This abuse of religious freedom can take extreme forms,
as in the use of hate speech in sermons,
calls for a theocratic state
that will supersede democratic institutions,
incitement to violence or terror.
Since the early 2000s,
a tiny minority of radical Islamists
have been challenging the peaceful coexistence of the religions in Europe.
Tolerance only works when there is agreement on basic values.
The vast majority of Muslims want nothing to do
with a radical, politicized version of Islam,
and anyone who hopes to use Europe's freedoms against it
in the name of religion
should take another look at European history.
For over 700 years,
Muslims ruled the Iberian Peninsula
with Granada and the Alhambra at the center of their empire.
They practiced a certain pragmatic tolerance.
They attracted Jewish and Christian scholars to their academies,
where scholars worked together on important projects.
The ancient writings collected by the Arabs
were translated into Latin,
making them accessible to Christian Europe
and preserving them for generations to come.
It was a golden age where ideology took a backseat,
an eloquent historical rejoinder
to the arguments of today's fundamentalists.
In Europe, both sides of the immigration process
have to prove that integration can work,
regardless of where the new arrivals come from
and irrespective of their religion.
Sport, and football in particular,
is a great example of successful integration in practice.
National football teams have long reflected
the process of cultural integration in Europe.
Just take a look at the players' names.
David Alaba, Mesut Özil, Briel Mbolo,
Sami Khedira or Omar El Abdelawi.
Second and third generation children of immigrants
are now playing on the national teams
of the countries where they grew up.
In Europe, as in many other parts of the world,
sport is a domain of accelerated social integration.
Diversity often becomes visible here,
long before it's a reality in society at large.
You could see these teams and their national anthems
as an anticipatory embodiment of Europe's future.
It's no wonder that Europe has become
a dream destination for so many people.
From December 2010, a wave of protests and revolutions
swept through many Arab countries, including Egypt.
Frustration at the corruption and repression
of autocratic regimes had reached boiling point.
Here in Cairo, as in Tunisia and Libya,
the people overthrew their authoritarian rulers,
but the revolutionary fervour of the Arab Spring
has since all but dissipated.
In Africa, too, there are many crisis zones.
Sudan, Mali, Somalia,
many countries on the African continent
are menaced by terror and constant uncertainty.
It's no wonder that many see no future for themselves
or that they're forced to flee from imminent danger.
Across North Africa, in Jordan and in Turkey,
there are up to 6.6 million refugees
waiting to continue their journey.
They want to travel on to prosperous countries
where their human rights will be respected,
including their right to asylum.
The word asylum has been around for 3,500 years.
It comes from the ancient Greek,
and it refers to the protection of people
and things that are in danger.
The ancient Temple of Apollo at Delphi and other sanctuaries
were places where asylum was granted.
And here, on the Capitoline Hill in Rome,
Romulus is said to have established an asylum.
He was one of the two legendary brothers.
The other was Remus, who, raised by a she-wolf,
became the founders of the ancient city of Rome.
Europe is still struggling to find the right approach to asylum.
Simply throwing open the gates is not the answer.
Shutting them forever won't work either.
But a common solution must be found.
Asylum is an old European tradition.
In the 17th century, when a quarter of a million French Protestants,
the Huguenots, were forced to flee from France,
they found sanctuary in neighbouring countries.
After the French Revolution,
there were also many political refugees who were granted asylum.
Today, more than 200 years later,
the whole of Europe faces the challenge
of accepting refugees from other parts of the world
in the name of the very human rights
that Europeans once postulated and took for granted.
A look back into history can be illuminating for all Europeans.
Nationalists have seen gains at the polls throughout Europe.
Immigration is a topic that unites them all.
They want to create a fortress Europe,
closed to the outside world,
and without a true union behind its walls.
Europe won't even be able to begin tackling its many problems
until its countries finally manage to work together,
to speak with one voice.
But Europe is divided.
Some are even beginning to wonder if the EU will collapse.
In June 2016, the British decided to leave the Union.
Many people, myself included,
believe that this is the wrong decision
because the European Union offers a strong form of protection
and solidarity in an unpredictable world.
But whether or not the UK remains in the EU,
the relationship between the two
will remain a vital one for both sides.
The important thing is for the United Kingdom and Europe
to remain partners, as Winston Churchill would have wanted.
The 23rd of June 2016 is a date
that no European is likely to forget any time soon,
the day on which the United Kingdom
opted to say goodbye to the European Union.
It was a wrenching decision for this country.
Some welcomed the departure
as a return to sovereignty and independence.
Others feared that the nation would retreat
into a self-imposed isolation
to warm its hands over the memory of a glorious past.
It felt and feels like a new and unprecedented turn
in this country's fortunes,
and yet this is not the first Brexit.
There was another Brexit, back in the year 286 AD,
when the province of Britannia left the Roman Empire,
which at that time, of course, united most of Europe.
Too many taxes, too much Roman feudalism.
An admiral with Welsh roots named Corauzius
declared himself ruler of Britain
and led the province out of the Union and into liberty.
He even had the word Libertas
embossed onto coins bearing his likeness.
Incidentally, that ancient Brexit lasted just ten years
before the island returned to the Roman Empire.
There are many people in the UK
who still dream of the glory days of the British Empire
and want nothing to do with the EU.
But the majority of young people
would prefer to maintain their close ties to the continent.
What values do you associate with Europe, then?
With democracy, equality, opportunity, yeah.
Everything that people feel passionately.
Down there in Brussels
beats the heart of the largest economic area in the world.
There are 500 million producers and consumers in Europe.
The European Union accounts
for barely 7% of the world's population,
but trade between the EU and the rest of the world
makes up 15% of global imports and exports.
Alongside the US and China,
the EU was one of the three biggest global players
in international trade.
All this and more is coordinated and controlled from Brussels
through the implementation of standards and rules.
Europe has sometimes been called a gentle monster,
and there is something monstrous
about the collection of standards and norms
that Brussels imposes on the 500 million citizens of Europe.
At last count, they filled 150,000 pages of text.
The regulating bodies of the Union
do more than just stipulate the kind of lights
that Europeans can have in their living rooms.
They also cover the distance
between the bars on our backyard barbecue grills,
the way a pizza has to be baked,
and the length of a banana.
It can sometimes be a bit tedious,
but nation states also have norms.
In fact, all modern states do.
And they're all the more important
when you are a union of 28 once-independent states.
As for those who are always whinging about European norms,
they should not forget that conflicts on this continent,
even quite trivial ones,
used to be fought out on the battlefield.
In a Europe without borders,
everyone has the opportunity to savour the continent's diversity
in the truest sense of the word.
Despite the plethora of EU standards,
this continent still boasts
more than 70 different regional cuisines.
So it's perhaps surprising
that when it comes to drinking culture in Europe,
there are really only two camps.
For those in Northern and Eastern Europe,
beer is the essential beverage,
while in the West and the South,
most people still prefer to drink wine.
And this division has ancient roots.
The Romans cultivated the grape and enjoyed its fermented juice.
As their legions conquered more and more territory,
wine-growing and wine-drinking
grew increasingly popular throughout Europe.
There was even a Roman god of wine, Bacchus.
In the territories not under Roman rule,
beer remained the beverage of choice.
2,000 years ago, the Roman historian Tacitus wrote,
The Germanic peoples love beer above all things.
They can endure cold and hunger, but not thirst.
And that is still the case today.
A transnational beverage boundary still cuts right across Europe,
although it has become more fluid in recent years.
Plenty of Europeans are happy to drink both beer and wine.
There are EU norms that apply to beer and wine as well.
In his Capitulare de Villis,
Charlemagne laid out rules and regulations
for wine cultivation throughout the Frankish Empire
and stipulated around 60 herbs and spice plants
which were to be grown in the gardens of his subjects.
He seems to have invented European norms and standards,
and he even created a European currency,
the Charlemagne denarius, an early euro, so to speak.
When the modern euro was introduced,
it was initially greeted with euphoria,
at least in the areas where it was in use.
The hope was that a shared currency for Europe
would bind the continent together
and make most of its citizens happy.
Then came the euro crisis of 2009.
The Greek government was on the verge of bankruptcy.
Bailouts, aid packages, billions upon billions
were pumped into the country.
Up to this point, the eurozone had been a currency union
without political traction.
And the way this now chronic crisis has been handled
should be a cautionary tale.
European countries exhibit very different behaviour
in such situations.
Old myths and stereotypes can resurface on all sides,
while other, more important lessons from history
can often be forgotten.
In times of crisis, hardened attitudes
can prevent people from acting rationally.
We're easily lured into believing
that we are being manipulated by outside forces,
especially when political transparency is lacking.
But there are deep advantages to European solidarity.
Not just for the Germans.
I believe that the people
have no interest in what is happening
in the world today.
What does Europe mean to Greece?
It's like a big team for us,
which can support us if needed.
But it's also good for us to be a member
because we feel that we are making progress.
But isn't it true, in fact,
that the European community must also be a community of solidarity,
whose members are prepared to share with one another?
Ultimately, this means that all members have to vote
for another member facing bankruptcy.
But this transnational solidarity
is a value many people find it difficult to embrace,
particularly in the wealthy creditor countries of the EU.
The poor South and the wealthy North,
the gap between North and South in Europe,
remains an unsolved problem that could further divide the Union.
In truth, the European project may work best
when we imagine it as a Europe of regions,
with the nations taking the back seat.
Flamenco is a dance of contrasts,
meant to express despair and rage,
but also an exuberant lust for life.
That would also be a good way to describe the current mood in Spain,
where political emotions often boil over.
Spain is an amalgam of people
with not-so-positive results for the country.
During my travels I've often thought
maybe it really is time to found the European Union anew.
Europe will have to be strong and united
if it is to have any hope of tackling the challenges it faces in an uncertain world.
But the continent's long history suggests
that it possesses the vitality and inventiveness it's going to need.
What I like about Europe is that Greece,
I made a mistake,
but we're solving it together,
because we're so closely connected that we have to solve it together.
Do we still need the current EU?
Why don't we go back to the old system,
everyone their own country?
Because I think that in economic terms
we'll never be able to compete with countries like China and America.
I think the only reason is that we'll never be able to stay together.
The stars, the European stars,
are also arranged like the figures on a clock face.
The continent today faces a crucial test.
It's all or nothing.
This could be the 11th hour.
The opponents of the European project never rest.
On the contrary, spurred on by the momentum of the right-wing populists,
they are constantly regrouping.
Sometimes they're a little more radical,
sometimes a little less.
Back to the nation-state, back to the past.
It's the wrong road for Europe.
But all across the continent,
there are movements aiming to highlight
just how valuable the developments of the last 60 years have been.
The movement Pulse of Europe is taking the European idea to the streets
in 140 cities and 21 EU member countries.
Their message?
Reform Europe, rethink its structures,
challenge its conventions, but don't destroy it.
Europe is waking up.
A new generation that grew up in a continent without borders
is now fighting for that continent's future.
I'm a European in Paris and I'm proud of Europe.
It allowed me to live in this country easily
and I just want to fly the flag of Europe.
For me, there is really no real argument to say
we want to go back to, you know, the nation of independent states.
In Europe, we need each other and, yes, it's also important to realise
that you have both a European nationality
but also your home nationality of your country.
But more and more, we're working together.
We're taking flights all over Europe.
We work across borders, so there's definitely an element.
We want to keep on doing that.
There's an immense cumulative historical momentum
to the Union's evolution.
Growing numbers of young Europeans
are willing to take a stand in support of a diverse Europe
and against the rise of nationalist populism.
They've realised what's at stake
and what Europe at its core is really about.
The Enlightenment, the rule of law, democracy, human rights,
free enterprise, education and social security.
So far, so good.
But Europe will also need to change in order to renew itself.
That much has been clear for some time.
In other areas of the world, they speak of Europe as an enormous museum
and it's true that Europe has not come even close
to exhausting its potential for self-revitalisation.
This continent could have a brilliant future
if Europeans are willing to make that happen.
My journey through Europe has come to an end.
Throughout its long history,
this fascinating continent has always demonstrated
an irrepressible will to change.
And today that shows no sign of slackening.
I'll be back.
