《天地翻覆—中国文化大革命历史》- 杨继绳 - 前言[莫寂读书]

George Orwell wrote in 1984, Who controls the past, who controls the present. Who controls the present, who controls the future. Only things that are forgotten are safe. Hello everyone, welcome to Moji Reading. We are committed to presenting things that the party-state does not let the world see to everyone. Reading with you, I wish everyone can think independently. The world is rich, China's cultural revolution history. Author Yang Jisheng Wang Meng, a well-known writer, said, Who can explain and further sum up the 10 years of the Cultural Revolution from politics and ethics in 1966? The Chinese should do this work. The Chinese Communist Party should do this work. Chinese scholars should do this work. This is the Chinese people's historical and international responsibility. China has no other responsibility. Correctly, without hesitation, sum up all aspects of the Cultural Revolution. This is also China's contribution to human history. Wang Meng said this work has a great appeal to me. I have long been eager to try. Although this is an extremely complex and dangerous field, Once I enter, I am full of passion. Obviously, this work is a big project. I can add a small piece of brick to this project. I have tried my best. From 1966 to the end of 1967, I participated in the Cultural Revolution at Tsinghua University. During this time, I went to more than ten cities across the country. I personally experienced some events in the early days of the Cultural Revolution. I felt the social atmosphere in the Cultural Revolution. In January 1968, I went to Tsinghua University to serve as a reporter. After that, I interviewed some things related to the Cultural Revolution. However, whether in person or in an interview, I only saw trees and did not see forests. I did not have a comprehensive understanding of the Cultural Revolution for ten years. It has been my wish for many years to explore the Cultural Revolution in depth. In 2007, after I finished writing the tombstone, I turned to the study of the Cultural Revolution. Although many books have been published during the Cultural Revolution, I am still willing to write down my experience and understanding of the Cultural Revolution for everyone to criticize. The study of the Cultural Revolution is to jump out of the boundaries of the times, the boundaries of interests and the influence of personal emotions, to restore the original face of the Cultural Revolution, to stand at the height of human civilization and modern political civilization, to re-understand the Cultural Revolution. The official Cultural Revolution is limited to the original ideology and political system. It is inevitable to go against the truth of the Cultural Revolution. The Chinese Communist Party's 11th Sixth Plenary Session was passed on June 27, 1981. The resolution on the various historical issues since the founding of the country made an official conclusion on the history of the Cultural Revolution. This resolution is based on the political needs and political conditions that could be allowed at that time to describe and comment on the history since the founding of the country. To say that it is a resolution on a historical issue is not as good as to say that it is a resolution on a political issue. It is a compromise and compromise on the political issue at that time. In order to achieve a consensus on reform and opening up, this kind of compromise was necessary at that time. If there was no such consensus, it is impossible to have the great play of changing China for the next 30 years. However, when historians restore the truth of the Cultural Revolution, they can't compromise like politicians. In the resolution on the various historical issues since the founding of the country, it pointed out that the leftist misconceptions that Comrade Mao Zedong initiated the Cultural Revolution clearly deviated from the general principle of Marxism-Leninism and the track of Mao Zedong's ideology, which is combined with China's concrete practice. They must be completely distinguished from Mao Zedong's ideology. To separate Mao Zedong's ideology from Mao Zedong's ideology in 1956 was to preserve Mao Zedong's ideology and to save the faith crisis. Obviously, only by preserving Mao Zedong's ideology can the soul of the authoritarian system be preserved and the interests of the bureaucratic group can be preserved. This kind of practicalism is not only denied by the historical truth, but also hard to convince people. The Cultural Revolution is a misstep initiated by the leaders and used by the anti-revolutionary groups to bring serious disasters to the party, the country, and the people. This argument also separates Lin Biao and Jiang Jing, two anti-revolutionary groups from the Chinese Communist Party. This separation is to push the responsibility of the Cultural Revolution to Lin Biao and Jiang Jing, two anti-revolutionary groups, thereby preserving the Chinese Communist Party and to save the faith crisis of the Chinese Communist Party. If these two groups really exist, they are also part of the Chinese Communist Party. They are born in the party and die in the party. It is difficult to separate them from the Chinese Communist Party. The official Cultural Revolution has preserved Mao Zedong's ideology and the Chinese Communist Party, as well as the entire bureaucratic group, and the legitimacy of the bureaucratic group to continue to govern and all their interests. In the book of the Cultural Revolution, which was written by the official Cultural Revolution and was influenced by the official Cultural Revolution, Liu Shaoqi's Mianyang, which seemed to be subdued, was finally driven into a dead end by Mao Zedong. In fact, as an old revolutionary, Liu Shaoqi, who has been tested by war and many years of party struggle, and the bureaucratic group that represents him, have resisted Mao Zedong since the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. Before Liu Shaoqi came to power, he had a confrontation with Yao Wenyuan, a member of the Tigang team in February. After the notice of May 16 came out, he sent a working group to confront him. After Liu Shaoqi was defeated, there was a confrontation between the anti-revolutionary group in February and the anti-revolutionary group in February. There was a confrontation between a group of people represented by Deng Xiaoping against the Cultural Revolution. During this period, there was a more tough confrontation between the military bureaucratic group. This series of confrontations was not a confrontation between justice and injustice, but a confrontation between interests. In the confrontation, the sacrifice of ordinary people was the price. Liu Shaoqi was written as a subdued Mianyang in order to prevent the bureaucratic group from taking on the responsibility of the Cultural Revolution and to cover up the evil deeds of the military and political bureaucrats in the Cultural Revolution. The fact that Zhou Enlai, the American painter, covered up Zhou Enlai's involvement in the Cultural Revolution with Mao Zedong was also for this purpose. In the official history of the Cultural Revolution, the evil deeds of the Cultural Revolution were caused by the use of the anti-revolutionary group. This was an excuse for Mao Zedong and also a distortion of history. In fact, in August 1973, there was the Four People's Gang. Before that, there was no Four People's Gang. At that time, most of the old cadres were reinstated. If there was a Lin Biao Group, this group was also formed after April 1969. It didn't exist until September 1971. Before and after that, even if there was Lin Biao, Jiang Jing and Lin Biao, they also supported Mao Zedong's efforts to carry out the Cultural Revolution. Jiang Jing said, I am Chairman Mao's dog. I can bite anyone I want. Jiang Jing and Lin Biao were used by Mao Zedong. They didn't use Mao Zedong. They just used the opportunity created by Mao Zedong to clear up some people who opposed them. The so-called two anti-revolutionary groups' anti-revolutionary behavior was mostly under Mao Zedong's leadership to promote the Cultural Revolution. After the October coup in 1976, the denial of the Cultural Revolution became a political correctness. So, in the technical books of the Cultural Revolution, senior cadres in the party all praised how they resisted the Cultural Revolution, how they were unyielding, completely covering up the fact that they followed Mao Zedong to carry out the Cultural Revolution at a certain stage, covering up the fact that they used to suppress the masses and participate in persecuting cadres, and also covering up the fact that some bureaucrats were happy to be persecuted and even put in jail. In the Cultural Revolution, there were many cases of cadres being persecuted. In fact, the ordinary people persecuted in the Cultural Revolution were hundreds of times more than the cadres persecuted in the Cultural Revolution. The terrible Hong Bayue, the anti-rightist workers' group, the February coup in 1967, the Three Revolutions of the People's Republic of China, the 5.16 massacre in the Qing Dynasty, the mass killings of the Qing and Li classes and certain areas in some areas, all of these were suppressed by blood. In the Cultural Revolution, it was either to write lightly or to try their best to distort the facts. History is written by the victors. The last victor of the Cultural Revolution was the bureaucratic group. It was natural to ignore the suffering of the people. George Orwell said, When I write a book, I don't tell myself that I want to write a perfect book. I want to write it because I want to expose a kind of lie. I want to arouse people's attention to some facts, expose lies and restore the truth. This is also the purpose of my book. Mr. Wu Dayou, President of the Taiwan Central Research Institute, said that the requirements for writing a modern history of China are to be objective and deep-analyzed. This is also the purpose of my book. I try my best to describe history to restore the original face of history. But it is not easy to achieve this goal. First, when contemporary people write contemporary history, it is easy to bring in their own positions and views, which will damage the objective narrative. Second, I don't have enough knowledge. It is difficult to analyze in-depth. However, when I write this book, I always remember these eight words of Mr. Wu. The Cultural Revolution is an extremely complex historical process. It is a combination of multidimensional history. It is a stack of multilayered struggles. Various forces, various roles, in the span of ten years and in the vastness of space, have been repeatedly cut off and changed many times. Various thoughts, groups, and groups of interests have been repeatedly struggled with, and have been intertwined and entangled with each other. The winner at a certain stage is the loser at another stage. The rectifier at a certain stage is rectified at another stage. Those who rectify have been rectified. Those who are rectified have been rectified. It is impossible to record and comment on this complex historical process by affirming or rejecting this simple idea of non-white and black. It is difficult to write the history of the Cultural Revolution. If you make a sufficient argument for any reason, someone will make a sufficient refutation. If you write any historical event, someone will criticize your narrative fragility. This is because most of the people involved in the Cultural Revolution are present. People play different roles in the Cultural Revolution, have different situations, have different perspectives, and have different experiences. These criticisms of the people involved in the Cultural Revolution are very valuable. They will make the researchers keep pushing into the truth of history. Only contemporary people can write contemporary history to obtain such valuable resources. Of course, this is also the difficulty of contemporary people writing contemporary history. For the pioneers of the Cultural Revolution, I am a postdoc. A postdoc has the benefits of a postdoc. There is no need to start from scratch. The pioneers' excellent work is my starting point. I have read a lot of the works of the pioneers. There is the grand narrative of the Cultural Revolution. There is the memory of the people involved in the Cultural Revolution. There is an in-depth study of important topics. There is the history of the regional Cultural Revolution. There is the exploration of the theory of the Cultural Revolution. When I was reading these works, the following names were deeply recorded in my mind. Gao Gao, Yan Jiaqi, Wang Nianyi, Xi Xuan, Jin Chunming, McFarquhar, Wang Youqin, Zhou Lunzuo, He Shu, Wang Shaoguang, Wang Li, Chen Xiaonong, Wu Faxian, Qiu Huizuo, Li Zuopeng, Xu Jingxian, Nie Yuanzi, Yu Ruxin, Liu Guokai, Xu Youyu, Song Yongyi, Hu Ping, Ding Shu, Guo Jian, Gao Wenqian, Gao Hua, Yin Hongbiao, Han Gang, Xiao Xidong, Ding Dong, Chen Yinan, Bu Weihua, Tang Shaojie, Qian Liqun, Zhang Boshu, Zhu Xueqin, Chen Kuide, Wang Ruoshui, Wang Haiguang, Wang Xizhe, Wang Lixiong, Yang Xiguang, Shu Yun, Ding Kaiwen, Xu Hailiang, Qi Zhi, Sima Qingyang, Zhou Ziren, Hua Xinmin, Alateng Delihai, She Namgila, Jin Guangyao, Jin Dalu, Li Xun, Dong Guoqiang, Deng Zhenxin, etc. More importantly, there are some scholars who dare to be the stepping stones of other researchers, quietly collecting and organizing and identifying historical materials. This work is very meaningful. Fu Sinian said, in a sense, historical studies is the study of historical materials. Song Yongyi, Ding Shu, Guo Jian, etc. China Cultural Revolution Library, Zhou Liangxiao, Gu Juyin's Ten Years of the Cultural Revolution, and Ji Yi, the editors of the past Cultural Revolution Library, their indelible contributions. During my years of research and writing, I have always had a deep respect for these pioneers. Xu Youyu, Ding Dong, Bu Weihua, Yu Ruxin, Li Xun, and He Shu, Cai Wenbin, Xu Hailiang, Wang Haiguang, and Song Yimin, have all submitted their articles. The readers have raised a lot of valuable opinions. Here, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to them. August 2015, Beijing.