又一匹黑马:何宏军| #何宏軍 #黑馬 #陜西鄉黨|【 #人物真相】

人物真相
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#何宏軍 #陜西鄉黨 #黑馬 #黨指揮槍 #專搞政工 #三中全會前夕 #強化軍隊對黨的忠誠 #純粹的黨衛軍 #用釘釘子精神抓落實 #重走三灣改編 #沒有硝煙的血腥清洗 #閩江派 #人物真相
00:00 又一匹黑马:何宏军
02:03 何宏軍其人
05:58 何宏軍被習打破慣例擢升 生逢其時
引言:中共軍隊高級將領在持續遭到大整肅之後,習近平在三中全會前夕突然破格晉升陜西鄉黨何宏軍為上將。專搞政工的何宏軍可謂在人人自危軍心不穩之時臨危受命,為習近平監軍。習把毛澤東「黨指揮槍」的套路發揮到了新高度。
發表時間:2024年 7月 22日
責任編輯:Ara
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After the CPC military's high-ranking generals continued to undergo major reforms,
Xi Jinping suddenly became the commander-in-chief of the Hong Kong-Shaanxi Joint Chiefs of Staff during the preliminary meeting of the Three Central Committees.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff, which specializes in political affairs,
took the lead in the military affairs when everyone was in danger and the military situation was unstable.
Xi took Mao Zedong's way of commanding the party to a new level.
On July 9, the CPC's commander-in-chief Xi Jinping suddenly promoted a new general, He Hongjun, to the three central committees of the CPC.
In Beijing's Beijing Military Commission Building 81,
the vice chairman of the CPC Military Commission, Zhang Youxia, announced the promotion order of the general signed by Xi Jinping.
After that, Xi Jinping personally issued an order to He Hongjun and took a photo.
The three members of the committee, Liu Zhenli, Miao Hua, and Zhang Shengming,
took the lead in the meeting of the CPC's vice chairman He Weidong.
This is also the first time He Hongjun has made public his identity as the vice chairman of the CPC's Political Department.
Along with the rank of a general, he also became a senior leader of the CPC's military.
He Hongjun was not famous before.
He was like a hidden black horse, suddenly popping out, making people curious.
Especially the date of this appointment,
after Xi Jinping just finished the Yan'an Military-Political Conference,
before the three central committees of the CPC convened,
it was difficult not to make people think of He Hongjun alone at a sensitive moment.
And with this speculation,
Xi Jinping will conduct some kind of guidance in the direction of the CPC's military policy.
In fact, from Xi Jinping's new position as the Political Director of He Hongjun,
we can see Xi Jinping's intention to do so.
That is to strengthen the military loyalty to the party,
and make the CPC become a pure party-state army.
There is little public information about He Hongjun.
According to the CCP's National People's Congress,
he was born in August 1961.
He is 63 years old this August.
According to a report from Caixin.com,
before Xi Jinping's military reform,
He Hongjun had been the Deputy Minister of the Communist Party's General Staff Department,
and the Director of the Old Staff Department.
In May 2017, he had been appointed as the Assistant Director of the Political and Public Affairs Department.
On May 4, He Hongjun was exposed to the military newspaper
during the meeting of the Communist Party's State Council's military transfer cadres
to set up a working group.
The report said that He Hongjun had been appointed as the Deputy Minister of the Communist Party's State Council's
military transfer cadres to set up a working group.
He was appointed as the Assistant Director of the Political and Public Affairs Department
to attend the meeting and give a speech.
Public information shows that He Hongjun had been the Political Director of the Xinjiang Military Region
and the Political Department of the Qinghai Provincial Military Region.
However, Caixin.com, which disclosed this information,
reported that he had been executed.
Therefore, He Hongjun's early experience and details are unknown.
The more sensitive He Hongjun was,
the more attention he attracted.
First, he was very used to Shaanxi.
Second, he was a cadre of the Political and Public Affairs Department.
Some political analysts believe that He Hongjun came from Shaanxi,
and was a cadre of the Political and Public Affairs Department
that Xi Jinping had carefully selected and trained over the past ten years.
Judging from this promotion,
Xi Jinping has already determined that He Hongjun is a trusted relative.
Ten years ago, in June 2014,
the military report published a speech
about He Hongjun's education activities in the second post of the Governor-General Huangsi.
As the Deputy Minister of the Governor-General's cadres and the old cadres' director,
in this speech,
which was held with the spirit of a fixed nail,
he used a lot of Chinese military words.
He said,
Xi emphasized the quality of standard decision-making.
Xi Jinping's important speech
provided a fundamental basis for the implementation of the second post of the Party's public education activities
for the cadres.
Strengthen the theory of learning,
and strengthen the ideal belief.
The stone can be broken, but it cannot be taken away.
The single stone can be ground, but it cannot be taken away.
For the Communists,
the ideal belief is the lid of the spirit,
the bright light in the heart.
The key point is to learn from President Xi's series of important speeches,
and to solve the problem of the general switch between the world view,
the view of life, and the view of value.
Ten years ago,
I was able to say this to a group of old men and old women in the military training center.
President Xi must have felt warm after reading the military report.
Therefore, ten years later,
he promoted He Hongjun as a general,
and people saw the inner connection between them.
It is not difficult to find out by comparison
that He Hongjun was the only one who promoted from a general to a lieutenant to a general after Xi took office.
And it was very fast.
From July 2013, He Hongjun promoted from a general to a military officer,
to December 2019, he promoted to a lieutenant,
and then to July 2024, he promoted to a general.
It was only 11 years.
Among the Communists,
there were many officers who only served as generals.
The deputy director of the Ministry of Politics can also be promoted to a general,
and become a new trend for the promotion of military officers.
But this is definitely not good news for the stability of the Communist army.
Military generals may think that
political and public officials are obviously better off than us,
and can get more support from the party.
It is better to be a political official than to work hard on military affairs.
So why was Xi so eager to promote He Hongjun and the small-town party alone?
In fact, the reason is very simple.
He wanted to give more power to those he trusted.
Xi Jinping broke the convention,
promoted political officials to generals,
and directly confirmed that after his meeting in Yan'an,
he would deploy the political establishment as his own absolute power to control the army.
On March 28 this year,
Wang Renhua, secretary of the Military and Political Affairs Committee,
promoted to a general,
and has broken the convention.
His former two senior military and political affairs committee secretaries were only generals.
This time, He Hongjun promoted to a general,
which means that Xi has broken the convention again.
In fact, looking back,
Xi Jinping's military reform action in 2016 has proven
that he wants to continue to deepen the path of political education.
According to the general principle of the military commission,
the war zone, and the military establishment,
the original general advisory department,
general political department,
general logistics department,
general equipment department,
and four relatively independent headquarters
were divided into 15 advisory departments,
led by the Central Military Commission,
and the Military and Political Affairs Commission,
which was very conspicuous at the time.
The Communist Party's administration department,
to put it bluntly,
is the department that controls the power of officials.
According to the current political ecology,
only those loyal to Xi Jinping are qualified to be officials.
Therefore, the personnel of the administration department is quite critical.
Some people will say,
isn't the current director, General Miao Hua,
not qualified enough?
Why does he need to promote another general
to be the deputy director of the factory?
The political analyst Cai Shengkun believes
that Miao Hua is a young general promoted by Jiang Zemin,
and a middle general promoted by Hu Jintao.
Although they are familiar with Xi Jinping
during their service in Fujian,
they are just friends on the table.
A general like Miao Hua
cannot be absolutely loyal to Xi Jinping.
But He Hongjun is completely different.
He was promoted from a lost official
to a general
during Xi Jinping's tenure.
At least at present,
He has no reason to be disloyal to Xi Jinping.
Moreover,
Miao Hua was born in 1955
and will be 69 years old in November this year.
Even if there is no disloyalty,
he should retire.
Now that Xi Jinping promoted He Hongjun to be a general,
he is likely to prepare to replace Miao Hua,
especially the position of deputy director of the factory.
There is also a sign of empty or at least restriction on Miao Hua.
Just like in 2018,
when Li Keqiang, the 10th prime minister,
nominated Zhao Kezhi, the minister of public security.
Soon, Xi Jinping promoted Wang Xiaopeng,
a close friend of him, to be the deputy minister of public security.
Therefore,
those who understand the CCP's political inertia
estimate that in the future,
He Hongjun should be the one
to help Xi Jinping control the power of the Communist Army.
As we all know,
the only army in the world that belongs to the Communist Party
is not only a military commander,
but also a group of political officials.
For example, a division commander is assigned to a political commissar,
a company commander is assigned to a director,
and a two-handed palm is the practice of the Kremlin.
In order to confuse a large number of old soldiers,
Lianning set up an old military officer, a political commissar.
In order to strengthen the army,
Lianning boldly absorbed the talents of the old army
and was responsible for command and control,
but was politically unreliable,
so he set up a political commissar.
Lianning even stipulated that
when the political commissar and the military commander
had a conflict of opinion on the battlefield,
the political commissar had the right to veto.
The advantage was that
if the commander died on the battlefield,
the political commissar could take over the command.
The army would not be scattered,
which was like taking a double risk.
The Soviet Union disintegrated,
and this system had disappeared in the Russian army,
but the CCP was still in use.
The reason was that Mao Zedong found that
this kind of special construction
that came from Russia
and was fully loyal to its own army
was very beneficial.
After Mao's re-establishment of power in 1927,
due to the long-term brainwashing of the army
to be loyal to Chairman Mao,
there was almost no military change
since the establishment of Mao Zedong's regime.
Some people doubted that
the two chiefs had their own forces,
and that the war would not be chaotic.
Is it worth raising a bunch of little white-faced people?
The CCP's party leaders had a different way of thinking.
They thought it was worth it.
In times of peace,
brain control was more important than standing.
Therefore, they arranged political and public officials
to control the thoughts of the officers and soldiers,
cultivate the loyalty gene,
and eventually turn it into the concept of solidification of the officers and soldiers.
The CCP used such a political regime
to play its biggest role
in the Cold War and the War of Hot Dance,
in order to achieve the ultimate goal of taking over the regime.
Therefore, people often see in the popular movies of powerful countries
that every time the Communist Army arrives,
they have to brush up on the standards,
hold a struggle meeting,
take a break,
expose each other and catch spies,
and create a cold war inside,
which makes everyone feel inferior.
All of this was done by political and public officials.
Besides the Communist Party countries,
it is also difficult to see the military art troupe,
which is also a product of the Communist Army's two-handed palm,
and is also known as the place where the property is bought.
First, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai
hugged the female art troupe members and danced.
They were tired and went to the lounge
to do unspeakable shopping.
Later, it was the turn of Jiang Zemin,
the actress of the tax-paying art troupe,
and the anchor of the party media
to spread all kinds of rumors.
The Communist Army's two-handed palm
has brought the wind of corruption
and has not been able to stop Deng Xiaoping and Xi Jinping
from changing the army several times.
As a result, no matter how much money is spent,
the two-handed palm has not been taken.
The main reason is that political and public officials
have become an indispensable tool
for the Party's command.
If He Hongjun had lived in the war years,
he would have led the soldiers to spread rumors,
held meetings to report their thoughts,
attended party meetings, and caught the traitors.
This young and ambitious general
is now burdened with the heavy burden of Xi Jinping,
and is even 7 inches taller than the senior commander-in-chief.
His position is so important
that he will undoubtedly be feared by senior military officials.
Xi Jinping has played the role of military discipline
and political intelligence for 11 years.
He has killed more than 200 generals,
including many of his close relatives,
such as the recently enthroned Minister of Defense Li Shangfu
and Minister of Defense Wei Fenghe.
But Xi did not get a sense of joy
from the victory of the repression of the military.
Instead, he is under great pressure.
In order to reduce his own pressure,
he will definitely put more emphasis on
the political personnel in charge of the military.
This is the natural logic of his promotion of the Hong Kong and Hong Kong armies.
Mao Zedong invented the Three-Way Reform
nearly a hundred years ago.
The key point of this reform
is to establish a branch that is built on a chain.
This is the source of the Communist Party's commander-in-chief,
which the CCP has always emphasized.
The party media and the military media claim that
in 1927, Mao Zedong led the Three-Way Reform
in Yongxin County, Jiangxi Province.
From politics to organization,
he ensured the absolute leadership of the party-army.
This is the earliest successful exploration and practice
It marks the formation of Mao's military formation.
The outside world found that Xi Jinping changed from time to time.
Even in 2015, he tried to transform the Communist Army
from the Soviet Union to the U.S. Army.
But he found that it was too dangerous
to change the cabinet of the party-army
He had no choice but to return to Mao Zedong's old way
and continue to strengthen the party-commander-in-chief model.
The party leader could not die of exhaustion or blindness.
He had to rely on his agent.
Of course, the best choice was to choose from the current military.
According to Cai Shengkun,
when Xi Jinping took office in Fujian,
he was born in Fuzhou and lived in Xiamen.
The head of the 31st Military Political Department, Miao Hua,
was selected by Xi as the head of the Military Political Department
after the military reform.
But Xi later seemed to feel that
the forces of Fujian in the military of the party
were gradually growing,
and only the high-ranking military officials had become large-scale.
In addition to Miao Hua and Vice Chairman He Weidong,
there were also Fang Yongxiang, Director of the Military Office,
Zhang Hongbin, Political Commissar of the Armed Police,
Xu Qilin, Deputy Director of the Joint Council,
Pei Jingjia, Minister of Retirement,
Zheng Xuan, Political Commissar of the Northern War Zone,
and Lin Xiangyang, Commander of the Eastern War Zone.
Xi Jinping has repeatedly said in public
that he wants to prevent the group activity.
Even if they are all pro-Xin,
it is difficult to predict the will of many people,
and it may pose a hidden threat to Xi.
As the leader of the party,
it is necessary to play the balance of the people.
Therefore,
He Hongjun, the party鄉 of Shaanxi,
was promoted three times in a row
from the middle-ranking military officials
in the local military zone ten years ago.
Now, he is the commander-in-chief of the military commission
not because of his military exploits,
nor because of his outstanding performance,
but because of his loyalty to the party.
He is a small duckling who is engaged in political affairs,
but he has become a black swan.
Of course, it is difficult to fight alone.
Xi saw the severity of the situation
and hurriedly let He Hongjun enter the field.
He cooperated with the commander-in-chief of Shaanxi Wugong,
Deputy Secretary of the Military Commission,
and Director of the Joint Council, Zhang Shenglin,
to form an interaction between the two,
and continue to clean up the military.
There is also another person who needs to be balanced,
which is Zhang Youxia,
the first deputy chairman of the military commission
Although the opposition believes
that the Zhang Youxia family and the Xi Jinping family
are two generations of diplomatic relations,
it is impossible to overturn,
but Zhang's status of more than ten thousand years
from the Minister of General Equipment
to the Deputy Chairman of the Military Commission in 2017
has been elevated in the military for more than ten years.
What is particularly sensitive is that
the newly appointed Minister of National Defense,
Li Shangfu and Wei Fenghe,
are all relatives of Zhang Youxia,
but the CCP has made a very strict restriction for the two,
and there is a regret that they do not kill,
do not unite, and do not hate each other.
So, will Zhang be accused of this,
or even take action first,
which has become a fixed number.
Therefore, it is necessary to arrange one more spy
to keep an eye on Zhang Youxia and his subordinates,
which will make Xi Jinping feel less at ease.
Of course, as a long-standing military official,
He Hongjun is best at political recognition.
The next heavy task
is to in-depth investigate
the 77 generals who have been promoted
by his benefactor Xi Jinping since he came to power,
and see if there are any survivors.
It can be expected that the next bloodbath
without smoke is about to begin.
