On paper, Shenzhen would appear to be an unusually favorable city for single women looking for a mate. Known as one of China’s leading tech and manufacturing hubs, the city lodged nearly 18 million permanent residents at the end of 2024, including approximately 9.91 million men and 8.08 million women, according to figures from the Shenzhen Municipal Bureau of Statistics. That amounts to roughly 2 million more men (1.83 million to be exact) than women.
Yet a juxtaposition is emerging at many of the city’s matchmaking events, where rows of profiles advertise single women, parents search for husbands for their daughters, and social-media posts describe intense competition among women for a seemingly small pool of eligible men.
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A demographic paradox
On Douyin, one of China’s largest short-form video and social media platforms, users have offered competing explanations for Shenzhen’s unusual marriage market, suggesting the issue may be more complicated than a simple shortage of men. “There are 1.83 million more men than women in Shenzhen, but this city has no love,” one Douyin blogger observed.
“Logically, with more men than women, women should be highly sought after. But what is the reality? In Shenzhen’s matchmaking corners, women line up, while men don’t care if they come or not,” the blogger added, “On Shenzhen’s dating platforms, women pay to find partners, but men don’t even get to go for free. Why? Because Shenzhen people put love last among all the options.”
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The apparent contradiction has fueled chatter on Chinese social media over the country’s so-called “leftover women,” an often derogatory label applied to unmarried women, particularly those over 30.
Eligible men in short supply
At Lianhuashan Park, home to one of Shenzhen’s best-known matchmaking corners, parents and singles gather to display profiles listing age, education, occupation, income, property ownership, and other characteristics of prospective partners. But despite Shenzhen’s overwhelmingly male population, reports from the matchmaking corner describe a disproportionate ratio of women outnumbering eligible men.
Many are educated professionals with established careers, while some own homes and cars. Another Douyin user described Shenzhen as “a disaster zone for women looking for partners.” The user said, “I know so many single young women, and they’re all asking me how to find them boyfriends. It’s truly a disaster zone for women looking for partners.”
“If an unmarried woman attends a matchmaking event, the proportion of men is extremely low,” the user added, “There are tons of beautiful women, and quite a few wealthy and beautiful women too. The decent guys are either already married or, like those at big companies like Tencent and Huawei, have already found wives internally.”
Two populations living in the same city
Shenzhen’s rapid development helps explain some of that divide. Built largely through migration, the city attracts workers from across China. Its enormous manufacturing sector employs large numbers of men in factories, logistics, warehouses, construction, and other industrial occupations. At the same time, many of the women prominently represented in Shenzhen’s matchmaking market work in technology, finance, education, health care, government, and other professional sectors.
The two groups may inhabit the same metropolis without necessarily moving through the same social networks, or viewing one another as suitable marriage partners. But expectations surrounding property and income can narrow the pool further.
Chinese social-media discussions frequently describe women seeking men who already own an apartment and car and have a stable, well-paying career, particularly consequential requirements in an expensive first-tier city such as Shenzhen.
Meanwhile, men also face their own pressures. Those unable to afford housing or establish themselves financially may leave Shenzhen after several years and return to their hometowns. The result is thus not necessarily a shortage of men, but potentially a shortage of mutually-acceptable matches.
Expectations collide
The phenomenon also reflects profound changes in the role marriage plays in the lives of Chinese women. For earlier generations, marriage often provided women with economic security that was difficult to obtain independently. Shenzhen’s rise offered a different path. Women arriving in the city could pursue education, careers, property ownership, and financial independence without necessarily relying on a husband for material stability.
That independence can also make marriage more selective: If remaining single is economically viable, there is less incentive to marry simply for security. At the same time, traditional expectations have not disappeared. Some men continue to prioritize youth and conventional femininity, while some women seek partners whose education, income, and social status equal or exceed their own.
Another Douyin blogger described the mismatch this way, “I’ve noticed a phenomenon in Shenzhen: it’s becoming increasingly difficult for older single women to find partners. Superficially, it’s a matter of the male-to-female ratio, but actually, it’s due to a difference in people’s partner preferences.”
A widening gap
The user added, “For example, men earning $45,000 a year mostly want to find young, beautiful, gentle, and obedient women, even if their income isn’t as high as their own. But women tend to be more attracted by strength and capability; youth and good looks aren’t important, wealth and ability are the top priorities. As a result, well-off men choose young and beautiful women. Excellent leftover women find it very difficult to find someone of equal or even greater ability.”
That assessment echoes views expressed by other Chinese social media users and brings into focus a broader debate over marriage in urban China. Shenzhen’s population figures therefore tell only part of the story. Having 1.83 million more male residents does not necessarily translate into a similarly large pool of eligible partners for professional women seeking marriage.
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